The last episode of Citizen History, marks the beginning of our historical exploration of Nigerian women and their fight against British colonialism. We started with the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt. The mass protest lasted three years, with arrests and assaults by British police on Abeokuta market women. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was the leader until their demands were met in January 1949.

Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance. UNESCO.

Read More Here: The Women’s War: Egba Women’s Tax Revolt

This week, we travel back to a similar event in Eastern Nigeria. The year is 1929.

This year, women in southeastern Nigeria rose up in protest against British colonial rule. The uprising, known as the Aba Women’s Riot, was sparked by introducing direct taxation on women.

Scholars have referred to this protest as West Africa’s first women’s revolt.

Aba Women of Nigeria in the first half of the 20th century. Archival photograph

What birthed the Aba Women’s Riot?

Two words come to mind—indirect rule. We’ve discussed indirect rule as the default mode of governance in colonial Nigeria, but for those who missed it, let’s do a quick recap of the key details:

The Recap

• Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gives.
• Britain adopted this system of governance because they didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass.
• Applying this method in Eastern Nigeria was troublesome because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.
• The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors and used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony and oversee judicial matters. 

To add more context, men and women had important roles in a typical Igbo home and worked collaboratively. Women could even participate in political movements if married to elite husbands. 

However, the British colonial officers couldn’t comprehend this practice. They considered male-dominated political organisations but ignored female ones. Combined with the extortion of the warrant chiefs, the women eventually became dissatisfied with the increased school fees and forced labour.

Now that we understand the full context, let’s visit a major event that made everything go from bad to worse for these women—the introduction of direct taxation.

The Native Revenue Amendment Ordinance of 1927

In April 1927, Lord Lugard commissioned a colonial resident, W.E. Hunt, to enforce the Native Revenue Ordinance in the five provinces of East Nigeria. 

Under this ordinance, taxes or tributes were paid to the “Chief” (warrant chief). The “Chief” thereafter was to pay a portion of the tax into the General Revenue and the remainder to the Native Treasury. This was the first official tax documented in the East and was used to prepare the people for direct taxation in 1928.

When direct taxation was first launched, only men were obligated to pay taxes. That is, until an assistant District Officer, Captain James Cook, entered office temporarily in September 1929.

Cook’s Tax Revision As A Catalyst of War

In September 1929, the serving district officer, Hill, went on leave. Cook was sent as his substitute until November. 

Upon taking over, he saw the ongoing direct tax roll count as insufficient because it didn’t include the number of wives, children, and livestock in the household, and he set about correcting this. 

With his revision, women now had to bear the brunt of paying taxes alongside men. Combined with their other obligations, was too much for them. The tax for women became effective on October 14, 1929.

This tax revision led to a fight between a widow and a census worker—the legendary moment that set the tone of the Aba Women’s War.

The Nwanyeruwa-Emeruwa Fight 

Madame Nwanyeruwa [BlackPast]

On the morning of November 18, 1929, a representative of the Warrant Chief of Oloko town, Mark Emeruwa, had one duty—to count or take a census of the people for taxation. However, he didn’t know that the women had already decided not to have themselves or their property counted! 

This was due to severe hyperinflation in the late 1920s, which affected women’s trade and production. But let’s get back to the story.

When Emeruwa reached the house of a widow, Nwanyeruwa, he asked her to “count her goats, sheep and people,” (which meant that she would be counted based on her people and livestock). In response, Nwanyeruwa sarcastically asked if “his widowed mother was counted.” This led to a serious fight between the duo, which made Emeruwa choke Nwanyeruwa by the throat.

In anger, Nwanyeruwa went to the market square to meet other Oloko women discussing the issue of taxation and told them about the incident. When they heard of it, they decided they would no longer accept the leadership of Warrant Chief Okugo. 

They used palm tree leaves to call nearly ten thousand women from other areas in the Bende District, Umuahia, and Ngwa to protest Okugo’s resignation and trial. 

How Aba Women “Sat on Men” In The Riot 

Under the leadership of Nwanyeruwa and the Oloko Trio (Ikonnia, Nwannedia, and Nwugo), the women protested Okugo’s resignation by “sitting on him.” 

This is a traditional practice where women chant war songs and dance around a man, making his life miserable until demands are met. The protests eventually spread to the factory town of Umuahia, which sparked fear among the colonial officers. 

The British District Officer jailed Okugo for two years to appease the women, ending the Oloko riot.

But that wasn’t the only protest 

Another protest began in the Owerri district of Aba. This was after another census taker, Warrant Chief Njoku Alaribe, knocked down a pregnant woman during a fight. It eventually led to a miscarriage of the pregnancy.

Like the Oloko women, the women of Owerri would not take the matter lying down. 

On December 9, 1929, the women protested in Njoku’s compound, during which two women were killed and many others wounded in an encounter with British police. This also led to the arrest and detention of their leader in Aba City.

On December 11, 1929, ten thousand women went to Aba City to protest against their leader’s arrest. On their way, a British medical officer was driving on the road when he knocked down two protesters, fatally wounding them. These made the women raid the nearby Barclays Bank and the prison to release their leader. They also destroyed the native court building, European factories, and other establishments. According to reports, soldiers and policemen killed about one hundred women in Aba. 

The Women’s War then spread to the Ikot Ekpene and Abak divisions in Calabar province. Government buildings were burned, and a factory was looted at Utu-Etim-Ekpo on December 14. These left eighteen women dead and nineteen wounded. Thirty-one dead and thirty-one wounded women reportedly died on December 16 at Ikot Abasi near Opobo, also in Calabar province.

The Aftereffect

Until the end of December 1929, when colonial troops restored order, ten native courts were destroyed, houses of native court personnel were attacked, and European factories at Imo River, Aba, Mbawsi, and Amata were looted. Women attacked prisons and released prisoners.

When order was restored, the colonial troops killed about fifty-five women. The last soldiers left Owerri on December 27, 1929, and the last patrol in Abak Division withdrew on January 9, 1930. By January 10, 1930, the revolt was regarded as successfully suppressed.

The Rise of Female Eastern Movements 

The position of women in society was greatly improved. Once only allowing the wives of elite husbands to participate in politics, the protests allowed women of lesser backgrounds to join native politics. Women were appointed to serve in native courts; some even became warrant chiefs.

The Aba Women’s Riot also inspired many other female movements in the 1930s and 1940s. This includes the Tax Protests of 1938, the Oil Mill Protests of the 1940s in Owerri and Calabar Provinces, and the Tax Revolt in Aba and Onitsha in 1956.

Today’s story, however, takes us back to the late 1940s, when a women-led resistance movement fought against the British colonial system of multiple taxation on women and led to the dethronement of a king. 

This is the story of the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt.

Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]

In Colonial Nigeria, government revenue (in the Southern Provinces) came from two sources—import duties (a tax collected on imports and some exports by a country’s customs authorities) and railway freights. 

Under import duties, the real “moneymaker” for the British was trading German liquor and spirits, and Germany was the epicentre of World War I (1914-1918). Before 1901, liquor duties were three shillings, but by 1901, it increased to as much as six shillings! This resulted in liquor being a scarce commodity during the war.

The high liquor import duties and shipping difficulties caused revenue from that sector to drop drastically. Which ultimately affected the government’s pockets.

Undated photograph of German soldiers posing for a picture while drinking beer [Beer and World War 1]

This is where the Abeokuta people come in. Before amalgamation in 1914, they were known as successful producers and traders of palm kernel, palm oil, and cocoa. The British tried to put export duties on cocoa and palm kernels, but they couldn’t generate as much as liquor import duties once did.

At this point, Lord Lugard was extremely desperate to get the nation’s finances in order. He had to plead with the British colonial office formally to impose direct taxation on the Yorubas, but the British government took its time to give any kind of approval.

Even though there was no word from the British, the native rulers felt pressure from the colonial government to generate revenue no matter what. This led to indirect taxation known as the ‘sanitation fines’ in April 1917.

The “Sanitation Fines” and How This Affected Egba Women

As the name implies, sanitation fines were monetary penalties one had to pay for not keeping their environment neat and tidy. To make up for the government’s lack of revenue, they needed to catch offenders, summon them to court, and make them pay fines—and market women or rural women were always the easy targets.

These women had to pay fines of up to five shillings, with an additional eight shillings for court summons, making it thirteen shillings. Sometimes the courts could even decide to inflate prices by close to thirty shillings. 

The “offences committed” were usually very mundane, like not sweeping the front of their compounds or setting up water pots outside the house with no covers (which could cause mosquito breeding). 

The sanitation fines turned out to be a successful revenue scheme for the British.  In the Native Courts alone, they made up to £1.6 million from 1.9 million sanitary case offences. It encouraged British colonial officials to further impose stricter taxes on women.

The “Independent Woman” Mode of Taxation

After much deliberation, the British Colonial Office introduced the official method of taxation for Abeokuta on January 1, 1918. This was with the approval of the Secretary of the Native Authority, Adegboyega Edun. But right from the start, there was something not quite right with this new tax.

Adegboyega Edun [Nairaland]

The model was for every adult to pay an average of 5 shillings per head. Based on the number of adults in a household, the head of the compound was given an amount that the family must pay. This happened to exclude women, as they had to pay a totally different amount of tax altogether.

This was entirely different from the model of taxation in other parts of the country, which didn’t recognise women as different from men. In that model, “tax for every household will be £1, including the wife, and £10 per annum for additional wives.”

Despite several complaints, the British Resident bluntly refused to change the system. Women were more prevalent than men in the population, which made the taxation spread wider, and he knew that if he increased the men’s taxes, they may cause ‘wahala’ and riots.

Ironically, despite his efforts to reduce mayhem, the people were not at all pleased with the taxation system. The income of the people was not considered. They still had to pay customs dues and shop licences, and forced labour was still in practice. This led to the Adubi War of 1918.

How the Adubi War Solved Tax Problems for Men But Not Women

On June 13, 1918, 30,000 Abeokuta residents protested their displeasure by destroying railway and telegraph lines south of Abeokuta. Neighbouring Yorubas from the French colony of Dahomey also joined the fight, as they also protested against forced army recruitment for World War I.

Three thousand British soldiers were used to suppress the revolt, after which 1,000 Egba civilians and 100 soldiers were killed.  

Despite the bloodshed, the tax scheme was modified. Men who earned less than £40 per year were now required to pay five shillings a year, with women paying two shillings and six pence. Those above £40 paid 1% of their income in taxes, while landlords were taxed 5% of their rental income.

However, this modification did not favour women. Women expected the government to make the market favourable for them as traders so that they could also profit, but there were no gains whatsoever. 

Market women were charged as much as £3 for sheds. Those who couldn’t afford it and made use of ‘illegal’ spaces had to pay fines. The industries they could profit from were also limited, as they included only trading foodstuffs, imported goods, and local textiles. And these problems continued until World War II (1939–1945).

 Egba women are unhappy over the multiple taxes [Getty Images]

In the words of the women’s representative to the Oba, Madam Jojolola, “The women all complained that they derive no benefit from the government. We make no profit on the goods we sell, and yet we have been called upon to pay taxes…”

The Rise of Women Through the Abeokuta Women’s Union (AWU) 

The AWU – a combination of market women and the Christian Abeokuta Ladies Club (ALC) – emerged in 1945. Although initially a social club for middle-class women, it morphed to respond to the unending taxes on women and ultimately the brutality of colonial rule. They felt they could do this by uniting both working class market women and middle class women as one.

Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was its first president, and the Alake (King) of Egba land in Abeokuta, Ademola, was its first patron. Grace Eniola Soyinka also joined Funmilayo’s leadership. 

Portrait of 70 year-old Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti[Obioma Ofoego/UNESCO]

The Soyinka Family in 1938. Wole Soyinka’s mother and father, Grace Eniola Soyinka and Samuel Ayodele Soyinka, with Wole, Tinu, and Femi. [Wole Soyinka]

To end the taxation regime, they wrote proposals to the Alake of Egba for the following:

• Replacement of the flat rate tax on women with taxation on foreign companies;
• Investment in local initiatives and infrastructure, including transportation, sanitation and education;
• The abolition of the Sole Native Authority and its replacement with a representative form of government that would include women.

Alongside these proposals, they heavily fought the colonial government with different kinds of resistance tactics. Many women stopped paying their taxes altogether, and they either got fined or jailed. The AWU also wrote several petitions to the Alake between August 1946 and May 1947, but to no avail.

This eventually provoked the Egba Women’s Protests or Revolt.

The Egba Women’s Revolt 

Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]

From Mid-October 1946, Ransome-Kuti and women from the AWU started to hold mass protests outside the king’s palace to demand the removal of direct taxation. The response was brutal, with police deploying tear gas and beating up the women.

But despite the obstacles, these women didn’t relent. They released a document in 1947 called “AWU’s Grievances”, which contained all their accusations against Alake and the Secretary of Native Authority. Ten thousand women then held another demonstration outside Alake’s palace, which lasted two days, while insulting Alake with different songs.

Alake’s response was an empty promise on tax suspension. More women got arrested and assaulted, including Funmilayo. 

On December 8, 1947, over ten thousand women camped outside Alake’s palace and refused to leave until every woman arrested was released. They stood resiliently and remained until December 10, when they released the women.

Thousands of women come to show support for Funmilayo Ransome Kuti and the detained women. [Ransome-Kuti Family Archives]

However, the women didn’t get their demands met until three years later, in January 1949. 

The British removed the Alake from the throne, the tax was removed, and four women were established in seats of power. 

It is worthy to note that both the tax and the Alake later returned, but for a while, the women won.

The Impact

It is sad to see that market women are still being taxed without inclusive consideration in 2023. 

A Nigerian marketplace. [Google]

In an article by TechCabal, market women are revealed to make little profit on their income as a result of various taxes for the local government, Lagos State agency officials, Kick Against Indiscipline officers (KAI), etc.

In July, the Nigerian Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) announced the Value Added Tax (VAT) Direct Initiative, a way for the federal government to collect Value Added Taxes (VAT) from market women and reduce multiple taxation. 

Will the VAT be effective? Will it lead to another women’s revolt? We’ll see what becomes of this.

We’ve visited the Ekumeku War, the ‘Expedition’ of Benin, the Bombardment of Lagos, and the Northern Nigeria Invasion. We’ve shown how our ancestors fought valiantly but yet lost to Britain.

Today’s story takes us back to 1906, when Lord Lugard, the High Commissioner of the Northern Nigeria provinces, considered locals instead of British soldiers for leadership of the newly colonised lands. 

Frederick Lugard, 1st Baron [Wikipedia]

Why did a British representative trust the locals to rule over other locals, and how did he execute that? 

This era in Nigeria’s colonial history is known as Indirect Rule.

In June 1934, this picture was taken of the governor of northern Nigeria, Lord Lugard, and other country rulers at a zoo in London. [Getty Images]

Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gave.

But why was there an indirect rule?

There were several reasons:

• Britain didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass. By 1925, there was approximately only one administrator for every 100,000 Nigerians. Even Lugard admitted it once by saying, “Nor do we have the means at present to administer so vast a country.”

• Even if they could, there was an issue with Nigeria’s high mortality rate. Between 1895–1900, up to 7.9-10% of British officers died yearly. British officers were reluctant to move to Nigeria, and those that did wanted a higher salary, which Britain couldn’t give.

• According to some reports, the colonial masters also wanted to limit uprisings from the Nigerians, who would rather be ruled by one of their own than a foreigner.

Now that you understand why indirect rule happened, let’s walk you through what life looked like in both Northern and Southern Nigeria under this rule:

Indirect Rule in Northern Nigeria: The Day in the Life of An Emir

Emir of Kano in 1911 [Wikipedia]

In northern Nigeria, the Emir was the traditional and spiritual leader of the emirate. Using Islamic dictates, he had a judicial system with alkalis, a revenue generation system, and several titled officials. The British did not see the need to overhaul their systems but took control of them instead.

The Emir in colonial Northern Nigeria was not elected by the people but rather selected by the colonial government, which informed the kingmakers of their preferred candidate. So, even though he is ruling the Northern people, his allegiance goes to the British Crown, and this is backed up with letters of appointment and oaths.

During his tenure, an Emir knows that his most important duty is tax collection, not for himself but on behalf of the British. Delayed tax payments could lead to their removal. 

The budget for running the British colonial administration also came from these taxes, which were 25% of total taxes collected. The Emir never ruled alone but always had a “resident” with him as Britain’s colonial administrator for “advice”.

The Emirs’ lives of indirect rule started properly in 1900 and ran till the 1940s.

Indirect Rule in Southern Nigeria 

South Eastern Nigeria 

Implementing indirect rule in the North was a piece of cake for the British due to their existing political systems. But in the East, applying this method was hell.

This was because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.

A Day in the Life of A Warrant Chief

An old kind of warrant chief, from The Nigeria Handbook, 1936 [Ukpuru]

A warrant chief knows he is being called one due to the certificate the British give him. He is not a ruler but a representative of the colonial government. 

Despite his power, he is more notorious than popular in the community, as the indigenes see him as disrupting the status quo and betraying them. Due to this resentment, his interactions with the villagers would always be laced with curses and abuse.

The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors, used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony, and oversee judicial matters. 

The warrant chief knows he was not selected through any process, so he doesn’t need to be credible or reliable to the people to get the job done. He would be fraudulent with taxes being paid and would invent new ways of extorting the people of their funds.

The actions of the warrant chiefs met such great resistance that he would experience revolts, including the Aba Women’s Revolt of 1929.

South Western Nigeria 

The first meeting of the Yoruba Obas in Oyo, 1937 [Asiri Magazine]

Indirect rule was neither perfect nor unfit for the South West. The region had traditional rulers, often known as the Oba, who were held accountable under a democratic system with several checks and balances. The Oba, who already received taxes and tributaries, worked well for the colonial administration for tax collection.

But this did not go without revolts and protests across different towns. One of them is the Abeokuta Women’s Revolt, which led to the removal of a King.

The Impact of Indirect Rule in Nigeria 

Here are some of the effects of indirect rule on modern-day Nigeria:

• It led to the rise of nationalism across Nigeria
• The title of “warrant chief” has gradually turned into a hereditary title today in the South East, with the descendants claiming to be from “royalty”. Key figures in Nigerian politics today are descendants of warrant chiefs, e.g. Senate President Godswill Akpabio is the descendant of warrant chief Udo Okuku Akpabio in Ikot Ekpene, former minister of foreign affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama, is the grandson of warrant chief Onyeama of Eke, etc.

The story elements of this episode of Citizen History were sourced from “What Britain Did to Nigeria” by Max Silloun.

If you have, you can relate to the eighteenth-century Benin Kingdom and how they must’ve felt when British soldiers invaded their land, looting over 2,500 artefacts and calling it an expedition. 

But how did it all start? Let’s dive in:

The Benin-Britain Bromance

In 1553, British merchants sent out two ships to the Benin River under the command of Captain Thomas Windham. 

A portrait of Thomas Wyndham in 1508 [Hans Eworth]

The then Oba of Benin, Orhogbua, welcomed them and agreed to sell pepper to them. However, almost 100 people in Windham’s crew caught malaria and eventually died between 1553-1556.

As a result, Queen Mary I prohibited all voyages to the Benin Kingdom. 

Queen Mary I of England [The Print Collector/Getty Images]

Time passed, and voyages resumed, but only the crew of James Welsh could withstand the fever. From January to April 1591, they carted away valuable resources back to their country, including 589 servings of pepper, 82 barrels of palm oil, and 150 ivory tusks. 

Thus began a prosperous British-Benin trade relation of trading pepper, gold, ivory, and later slaves, which lasted for many years.

But it didn’t last forever 

Their breakup happened in several stages, which are all important to know:

A shaky trade agreement 

The amount of power the then Oba, Ovoramwen Nogbaisi, had over trade in 18th-century Benin was, naturally, massive. 

Ovonramwen, Oba of Benin [Edo State Archives]

The British needed his permission to use the trees in the village to collect palm kernels and tap rubber, which was a difficult process for them, and even export goods across the Benin River.

In 1892, Deputy Commissioner and Vice-Consul Captain Henry Lionel Galway tried to negotiate a trade agreement with Oba Ovọnramwẹn Nọgbaisi to allow for the free passage of goods through his territory and the development of the palm oil industry. 

The treaty was signed, and there was free trade for the British, but Ovonramwen still collected customs duties. Major Claude MacDonald, Consul General of the Oil River Protectorate, saw the tax as a hostile act. 

To make things worse, Ovonramwen then halted the trade of oil palm produce to the British due to price fixing and the refusal of Itseriki men to remit the customs duties.

Britain, not used to being told no, did not like this. But it was one murder they piled behind.

The Ambush and Slaughter of Phillips’ Crew

In November 1896, Phillips, the Vice Consul of a trading post on the African coast, decided to meet with Oba Ovonramwen to discuss the customs duties discomfort. 

He formally asked his superiors in London for permission to visit Benin City, claiming that the costs of such an expedition would be reimbursed by trading for ivory.

In late December 1896, Phillips got tired of waiting and took a crew of 18 men, 180 Jakri Porters, to carry supplies and 6 Kru labourers to Benin. He sent an envoy to discuss trade and demand entry into the territory, while bringing numerous gifts for the Oba. 

At this time, the Binis were celebrating the Igue Festival, and strangers were forbidden to see the Oba. Oba even sent a message to Phillips saying he wasn’t allowed and would send word in a month or two. But for impatient Phillips, that was time that he simply couldn’t afford.

On January 4, 1897, Phillips and his entire party were ambushed on their journey to Benin City at Ugbine village near Gwato. This was done by Iyase, a warlord who saw the British advance as a slap in the face despite Ovonramwhen’s warning not to harm them.

1897 [Agefotostock]

That day, both British officers and African porters were slaughtered. Only two British survived their wounds, Alan Boisragon and Ralph Locke. 

Within a week, news of the massacre had made it to London, and the colonial officers were filled with rage. 

For Britain, they needed to teach the Oba and his ‘savages’ a ruthless lesson not to kill their own. This singular event led to the invasion of Benin, also known as ‘the Punitive Expedition’.

The Punitive Expedition 

Towards the end of the first week of February 1897, about 1,200 men, including marines, sailors, and protectorate troops, were assembled and prepped for war. This was under the leadership of Sir Harry Rawson.

Admiral Sir Harry Rawson [Historic Houses Trust]

They aimed to “divide and conquer” by advancing on three fronts. The first column was to take Ogbologbo Creek; the second was to advance through the Jameson River Line up to Sapomba; and the third was to maintain a joint attack through Uguto Creek.

On February 9, 1897, the invasion started, and by February 18, the Benin Kingdom fell and ceased to be an independent entity. The Bini soldiers put up a brave front but were no match for Britain’s superior war weapons.

The Aftermath

The city was later set ablaze, although the British later claimed it was ‘accidental.’ 

Members of the ‘expedition’ surrounded by objects from the royal palace [British Museum]

Benin was later annexed to the Niger Protectorate.

Many buildings were also burned down, including the famous King’s Court. Oba Ovonramwen was deported and exiled to Calabar until he died in 1914. 

Ovonramwen on board the Niger Coast Protectorate steam yacht, Ivy, while the Oba was on his way to exile [Jonathan Adagogo Green]

The Benin Native Council was established to replace the monarchy. It also helped to absolve the kingdom into the colonial rule. 

The Looting of Benin

The British expedition force looted and carted away Benin’s precious artworks. An estimated 2,500 wooden, bronze and ivory artefacts were stolen. 

A photograph of the interior of Oba’s compound being burnt during the punitive expedition, with bronze plaques in the foreground and three soldiers from the punitive force in the background [Reginald Kerr Granville c. 1912]

European and American art collectors sell most of these artefacts at auctions. It is also exhibited in Western museums, mainly in Germany.

In recent times, however, there have been efforts to recover these artefacts. In December 2022, Germany returned 22 Benin Bronzes, while the United States of America returned 30.

Looted Benin Bronzes that Germany returned to Nigeria are examined during a ceremony in Abuja on Tuesday. Nigerian officials said that more than 5,000 ancient artefacts are estimated to have been stolen from Nigeria, the majority by British colonisers. [Olamikan Gbemiga/AP]

Bola Tinubu and “the mystery man” [Channels Television]

This man held a press conference with journalists on the same day at the same venue. He would accuse top-ranking officials of the Nigerian Army of oil theft, a statement which would cause some serious displeasure and contempt among army officials and other civil groups.

The mystery man is no other than former Niger Delta agitator Asari Dokubo.

Older Nigerians may understand why his speech was so ‘inflammatory’, but the Gen Zs? Not so much. The biggest question on their lips has been: who is Asari Dokubo?

To answer this, we must time travel to when oil became Nigeria’s new gold up for grabs by foreign oil companies, causing a never-ending conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta region and the rise of some indigenous ‘avengers’.

While they have existed under different tags, they are commonly addressed as the Niger Delta Militants.

Several militant groups in the Niger Delta have attacked oil facilities in the past [AFP]

The Rise of Agitation in the Niger Delta 

We will start from the 1980s. At this time, Nigeria had been producing oil for three decades [since it was first discovered at Oloibiri in 1956] and was fast becoming one of the world’s largest oil producers. It was also one of the key factors for Nigeria’s GDP growth, which had risen to 25%. 

And all this oil was coming from one region  — the Niger Delta.

First test drilling for oil in Nigeria in Oloibiri, Imo State c. 1950 [Ukpuru]

Unfortunately, the vast wealth derived from petroleum didn’t trickle down to the masses in the Niger Delta, who suffer severe consequences due to oil exploration activities. 

The region was severely exploited. This was since the 19th century with the discovery of palm oil and crude oil after Nigeria’s independence. Foreign oil companies like Royal Dutch Shell and Chevron set up bases in oil-rich areas, notably the Ogoniland in Rivers State. Indigenes were uprooted from their homes forcefully as government made a profit from the evacuations. 

The Ogonis and other minority groups complained about the forced evacuations and very little compensation. The government looked away. So did the oil companies.

To understand the palm oil trade, read: How King Koko Created the White Man’s Graveyard in Bayelsa

Members of Nigeria’s Ogoni community protest against Shell in New York. Photograph: Bebeto Matthews/AP

As all land belongs to the state and is held in trust by the government, the residents had little recourse under the law.

The law also prescribed that compensation for seized land would “be based on the value of the crops on the land at the time of its acquisition, not on the value of the land itself.”

For this reason, the Ogoni people became increasingly dissatisfied and soon formed one of the first Niger Delta agitation groups, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP).

The MOSOP Movement and Ken Saro-Wiwa

MOSOP, a group led by author and playwright Ken Saro-Wiwa, was one of the first agitation groups in the Niger Delta to receive international attention for their actions. 

Ken Saro-Wiwa [Picture Alliance/DPA]

Beginning in December 1992, the Ogonis started fighting for their land and lives, and the oil companies fought back, leading to escalation on both sides. 

MOSOP issued an ultimatum to the oil companies (Shell, Chevron, and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)) demanding some $10 billion in accumulated royalties, damages and compensation, and “immediate stoppage of environmental degradation”, as well as negotiations for mutual agreement on all future drilling.

What was the government’s response? Well, more agitation. They banned public gatherings and a declaration of disturbances made in oil production as an “act of treason.” But the protests seemed to work. Oil extraction decreased to a mere 10,000 barrels a day, and this got the government extremely pissed.

Several misunderstandings later, the Sani Abacha led military regime found its closure.

The Murder of the Ogoni Nine

In May 1994, nine activists from the movement who later became known as ‘The Ogoni Nine’, among them Ken Saro-Wiwa, were arrested and accused of incitement to murder following the deaths of four Ogoni elders (allegedly killed by a mob led by the Ogoni Nine). 

Saro-Wiwa and his comrades denied the charges. However, they were imprisoned for over a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death by a tribunal on November 10, 1995.

Many Nigerians expected the sentence to be commuted, especially as pressure rose from the international community.

“Ogoni Nine: The Encirclement Begins” [Archiv.ing]

The activists were denied due process and, upon being found guilty, were hanged by the Nigerian state.

The Ogoni Nine [Center for Development]

“Saro-Wiwa Hanged? Ogonis Wail and Mourn” [Archiv.ing]

The hanging was met with global criticism from human rights organisations and countries. Shell was also accused of bribing the military to silence Saro-Wiwa and the other activists.

However, we must also note that MOSOP and the Ogonis were not the only people tired of the empty promises of the government and oil companies. This is where we cue in a younger Asari Dokubo and the emergence of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC).

Asari Dokubo and the IYC

Tinubu’s guest, Asari Dokubo, grew up in the ashes of the Ogoni Nine murder, hating the Nigerian government for taking his home from him. We can trace his displeasure to 1998, when he founded the IYC —to make similar demands as the Ogoni Nine— and became its vice president. 

In December 1998, it released the famous Kaiama Declaration, which demanded control of the Niger Delta’s energy resources. The declaration soon stirred the entire Ijaw population, and more than 500 communities supported it. This also helped Asari secure the position of organisation president in 2001.

During this period, however, Asari grew increasingly militant. His more radical agenda was at odds with the core leadership of the IYC. This made him to begin building a private militia organisation known as the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF).

The militancy of the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF).

The NDPVF is seen to date as one of the major catalysts for the crisis in the Delta region. The NDPVF, a militant group, was largely funded by local and regional politicians who sought great profits from the region’s oil revenue. 

They quickly escalated an armed conflict with a rival group, the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV), who also sought to control the Delta’s oil resources. Combat was concentrated primarily in Warri and, soon enough, Nigeria’s oil capital Port Harcourt and areas to the city’s southwest. Both groups engaged in oil ‘bunkering’ and other illegal forms of local resource extraction.

A change in political ideals by the NDPVF caused the group’s former sponsors to withdraw their financial support and begin funnelling funds to the rival NDV. Asari’s NDPVF declared an “all-out war” against the Nigerian state.

The Effects of the NDPVF Activities

The threats to attack oil wells and pipelines by the NDPVF caused terror for oil companies operating in the area. They started to withdraw most of their staff from the Niger Delta. This resulted in a massive drop in oil production of 30,000 barrels per day. It also significantly pushed the price of petroleum worldwide. 

Due to the crisis, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo called Asari and the leader of the NDV, Ateke Tom, to Abuja for peace talks. But unfortunately, these peace talks failed. After he refused to endorse the legitimacy of the Olusegun Obasanjo government, Asari was arrested and charged with treason by the Nigerian government. 

On June 14, 2007, Asari was released on bail as part of President Umaru Yar’Adua’s pledge to try and bring peace to the Niger Delta region. He was also given $10 million a year from Abuja as a “federal pipeline security fee” to protect River State pipelines from banditry.

His old ‘crimes’ were overlooked as part of an extensive amnesty program across the Niger Delta region. This saw many of his followers lay down their arms as the government promised to provide jobs, protect the Niger Delta, and prioritise the people over profit.

The negative impact of oil theft on Nigeria 

Now that you understand who Asari Dokubo is, you see why it’s ironic that he’s complaining about oil theft and pipeline (in)security. Here’s the reality of oil theft in Nigeria and how it affects you:

1. The stolen oil is sold on the black market. Since it doesn’t pass legal channels, it deprives the state of crucial income that could be used for public infrastructure, social programs, and economic development.
2. Oil spills and environmental pollution often accompany oil theft. Thieves use crude and unsafe methods to extract oil, damaging pipelines and infrastructure. These incidents result in widespread farmlands, water sources, and ecosystem contamination.
3. The proceeds from oil theft are often used to fund criminal activities, including insurgency, terrorism, and other forms of organised crime. This creates security challenges, particularly in the Niger Delta region, where most oil theft incidents occur.

Nonetheless, the impact of oil spillage and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta region remains a concern, as millions of people can’t lead normal lives and are not catered for by the Nigerian state.

It’s Democracy Day. Major operational institutions are closed. If you tune in to radio and TV stations in the country, everyone is talking about the significance of June 12. This is a day that has come to represent Nigeria’s democracy. 

How did Democracy Day become such an important public holiday in Nigeria? 

First, you must understand the rise and fall of the 2nd Republic as the catalyst for the demand for democratic governance in Nigeria. You also need to know the backstory of the annulled June 12, 1993 elections, and the journey of Moshood Kashimawo Olawale “MKO” Abiola, who became an emblematic figure in Nigeria’s democratic history. 

Shehu Shagari, Buhari and the Fall of the 2nd Republic 

To better understand the significance of the Nigerian clamour for democracy in 1993, we must rewind thirteen years to when Shehu Shagari, a civilian president, was in power. 

His election into power led to the rise (and fall) of Nigeria’s 2nd Republic from 1979–1983.

Shagari’s election into power resulted from a military-to-democratic government transition model initiated by then Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo in 1979. 

The initiation resulted from Nigerians’ displeasure with the military’s involvement  in the 1966 Biafra Civil War and the dictatorship of Gen. Muritala Mohammed, his predecessor

But with Shagari’s entry into power, Nigeria didn’t enter a season of political utopia but plunged into its existing problems. 

Oil prices crashed, riots occurred in Northern Nigeria, ministers became more corrupt, and massive electoral malpractice and rigging occurred during the 1983 general elections.

This led to Gen. Muhammadu Buhari overthrowing the Shagari administration in a coup during the same year. However, Buhari’s government didn’t fare any better either. 

Buhari was particularly unpopular with citizens for his Decrees No. 2 and 4. These gave the state security power to ban strikes and popular demonstrations and censor media outlets perceived as posing a threat to the government’s interests. 

By 1985, it became clear to the political elite in the country that Buhari had no plans of ever giving back power to Nigerians. This resulted in the Ibrahim “IBB” Babangida-led coup in August 1985. 

IBB, the military general with a desire for democracy 

Upon resuming power, Babangida implemented measures to reduce governmental influence over the press. His government also released a number of individuals detained during the previous regime. 

Nevertheless, he encountered similar economic challenges as his predecessor, Buhari, including the devaluation of the naira, which led to social unrest. 

To address this, he dissolved part of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and ordered the temporary closure of universities. 

With the perception of being labelled as “just another military dictator” in Nigeria’s history, Babangida needed to achieve something remarkable that would leave a positive legacy in the eyes of Nigerians. You can consider it as him “doing better”.

For him, the solution was clear—to restore democratic governance.

To achieve this, he embarked on significant reforms. This included:

• The creation of additional states within the Nigerian federation.
• An establishment of dual-tier legislatures at both national and state levels
• The appointment of civilians to govern the states
• And the formation of two major national political parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republic Convention (NRC).

With these structures in place, the only thing Nigerians needed to do was elect a new president as the final phase of the transition. This is where this story becomes more intriguing—so grab your popcorn, and let’s dive in.

The June 12, 1993, elections

The June 12 elections witnessed a head-to-head battle between SDP’s business mogul, MKO Abiola, and NRC’s Alhaji Bashir Tofa. The election was scheduled for Saturday, June 12, 1993. 

This election was critical, as it would determine Nigeria’s first democratically elected president since 1979, marking the start of the 3rd Republic. 

At the end of the election, MKO Abiola emerged as the winner with over eight million votes, winning in 19 states. His opponent, NRC candidate Tofa, received over six million votes and won in 10 states.  

Out of the total votes cast, which exceeded 14 million, Abiola secured nearly 60 per cent. This made him the clear winner of the election. This election is widely regarded as the most free and fair in Nigeria’s history. 

MKO emerged as a prominent figure and continues to hold significance. Hailing from the South-West region and having Babagana Kingibe, his running mate, from the North-East made them a preferred choice for most people during the elections. Interestingly, despite both candidates being Muslims, they had wide support.

The election was annulled, which led to MKO—considered as Africa’s most successful businessman—not becoming president.

Who annulled the election?

It was Babangida. After the initial results were posted on June 14, 1993, no additional election results ever appeared on the National Electoral Commission (NEC) board.

On June 16, the government-run Radio Nigeria announced that NEC was suspending the official results announcement due to “developments and action pending in courts.” The announcement cited irregularities observed during the elections.

The announcement triggered widespread protests and civil unrest across Nigeria, leading to the resignation of Babangida. This was followed by Ernest Shonekan’s brief interim civilian government and, ultimately, the Gen. Sani Abacha military coup of 1993. 

Abiola was placed in detention following the annulment. Under Abacha’s leadership, the military regime in power at the time accused him of treason. They had him arrested after he declared himself the winner of the June 12 elections. 

Abiola died the day he was set to be released from detention, on July 7, 1998. The circumstances surrounding his death remain unclear. The claims of assassination as the cause of his death are also uncertain.

How Nigerians got to celebrate June 12 as Democracy Day 

In 2018, former President Muhammadu Buhari changed the date of Democracy Day from May 29 to June 12. 

The commemoration of Democracy Day on June 12 is now in its 6th year. For many Nigerians, particularly those from the South-West states, today is marked as significant for the outcome of the election.

But for Buhari, June 12 is a way to nationally acknowledge the man who lost his life in the quest for democratic governance in Nigeria. 

Undoubtedly, the 1993 general elections and MKO Abiola will forever be etched in Nigeria’s history as the pinnacle of its democratic revolution. 

Catch up:

• The British Empire declared Northern Nigeria a protectorate in 1900 but had no territorial control. They needed to gain power over the region due to the fear of European rivals outsmarting them and to gain the local leaders’ respect.

• To do this, they called upon Frederick Dealtry Lugard, who grew from a British soldier to High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria in 1900.

• After the official proclamation, he sent a memo to the Sarkin Muslmi, or King of the Sokoto Caliphate, to which there was no reply. This led to a rampage from Lugard to depose various emirates in the Caliphate. 

• Amongst the lands he captured were the emirates of Bida and Yola. Bida fell due to a rebellion and their eventual alliance with the Royal Niger Company (RNC). Yola was captured due to the defiance of the Lamido, Zubaryu, who escaped capture from the British. The Lala tribe from Bornu State later killed him.

For today, take your straws to sip the last drink and dive deep into what ultimately ended the Sokoto Caliphate—the fall of the Kano and Sokoto emirates.

The Fall of Kano – January 1903

A view of a part of Kano City (Inside the Wall) [New York Public Library]

We must backtrack to Lugard’s feud with Sarkin Musulmi in 1900 to understand how Kano fell. His revenge mission against the launch started because the Sarki refused to respond to Britain’s proclamation of the North as a protectorate.

To better understand the feud, read: Northern Nigeria Invasion: How Lugard Disrupted Sokoto Caliphate

Lugard as colonial administrator, Northern Nigeria [Britannica]

In 1902, Lugard finally received his long-awaited reply from the Sarki, but it wasn’t what he expected. Originally written in Arabic, the message says:

“From us to you. I do not consent that anyone from you should ever dwell with us. No agreement can ever be made with you. I will have nothing ever to do with you….This is with salutations.”

If we thought Lugard couldn’t get angry at Sarki, as we explored in the first edition, we might need to recount our words. The High Commissioner was as furious as ever, and as a result, he interpreted the Sarki’s response as an act of war, and an immediate annulment of the treaties between Sokoto and the Royal Niger Company (RNC) was drawn.

However, scholars believe the message was sent to Lugard’s second in command, Commissioner Wallace, instead of him.

How did Lugard launch the war?

You must know that for Lugard to start a war, he needed the support of Britain’s Colonial Office in London, and those folks were not ready to engage in more battles without a reasonable cause. Lugard, knowing this, eventually got his chance when a British resident at Keffi, Kano, Captain Moloney, was killed under “mysterious circumstances.” 

And who better to blame for the murder than the warrior chief of Keffi, Dan Yamusa? It didn’t help that Yamusa was already openly defiant of Britain’s rule in the North.

The Sarki’s letter and Moloney’s murder were enough for Lugard to launch a war. And even though there was a window for negotiations with the new Sarkin Muhammadu Attahiru after the death of Abdurrahman, Lugard wasn’t having it. 

The Sultan of Sokoto, Religious Head of Hausaland [Getty Images]

He wanted to assert authority and was bent on using  Kano to prove his point.

The Battle of Kano

To make his reasons for war convincing to the Colonial Office, Lugard claimed that the emir of Kano, Aliyu, was marching with warriors to attack the West African Frontier (WAF).

But in reality, the Emir was on the march—but only to pay homage to the new Sarki at Sokoto, hundreds of miles away. And even though the British didn’t buy Lugard’s excuse for a war, that wouldn’t deter him from his goal of total Northern Nigeria dominance.

However, Lugard still had a major problem—the walls of Kano. These walls were specially designed for defence, with a 40 feet thick base and 30 to 50 feet high. The city also had ditches and cultivated farmland inside its walls, which the people could use to feed themselves in cases of siege. 

The Ancient Walls of Kano [Naija Biography]

Surprisingly, Lugard’s captain, Colonel Morland, found little to no resistance from the Kano army due to the Emir’s absence. They blew a hole in the wall, stormed the city, stormed the Emir’s palace, and hoisted the Union Jack (the de facto national flag of the UK of Great Britain) on top of the city walls. 

The Fall of Kano [Kano Chronicle/Twitter]

No British soldier was killed, and only 14 of them were wounded. Lugard then appointed the Emir’s younger brother as the new emir.

Up next on Lugard’s hit list was Sokoto

The Conquest of Sokoto Caliphate – March 1903

In February 1903, Colonel Morland wrote a letter to Sarkin Attahiru informing him of the fall of Kano and their anticipated attack on Sokoto.

“Sir Thomas Morland” [The Great War by Ed H.W. Wilson]

Attahiru replied by informing Morland that he would consult with his advisers and get back to him, but they could never conclude between negotiation, battle, or outward defeat. With their inaction, Morland’s army proceeded to march into Sokoto.

The War Against Sokoto Caliphate [LitCAF]

“We chase and kill until there are no living men”

On March 14, 1903, Britain fought with the Sokoto Caliphate outside the city walls. Fighting without the safety of their walls was a grave mistake for the Sokoto army, as they were no match for the British artillery and machine guns.

However, the Sokoto army did not give up but stayed valiant until the end. They took the green flag of the Sarki into battle, and every time the flag bearer was shot, another would take his place—until all the flagbearers were dead. After the battle, the British infantry chased down what was left of the survivors and killed them. They also hacked legs and arms off corpses to take items of value. In a British soldier’s words:

“We chase and kill till the area is clear of living men — and we tire of blood and bullets.”

Comparatively, the casualties on the side of the British were remarkably small. Only two of their forces were killed—a carrier and a soldier. 

The Aftermath

Sarkin Attahiru survived the battle and fled. Lugard asked Sokoto officials to nominate a new Sarki, and they eventually chose a ruler named Attahiru. In a March 21, 1903, proclamation, Lugard told the people that even though they could practise their religion, all independent Fulani rule had ended. The British system of government was here to stay.

What happened to Attahiru?

He was still on the run alongside Kano’s former Emir, Aliyu. While in exile, Attahiru was able to garner supporters from surrounding villages. This was due to the anger of the indigenes towards the British for deposing the head of their religion.

The British saw Attahiru’s fame and survival as a threat, and despite trying to capture the former Sarki six times at Burmi in the Borno Empire, all their efforts were in vain. In one of the battles, the British army got hit with poisoned arrows, which gravely injured two soldiers and six horses. To ease the two soldiers’ deaths, their colleagues shot them. 

This article draws inspiration from Max Silloun’s “What Britain Did to Nigeria”

The Battle of Kano [Wikiwand]

If you didn’t read this piece, let’s break it down with a quick refresher:

The Recap

• The British Empire declared Northern Nigeria a protectorate in 1900 but had no territorial control. They needed to gain power over the region due to the fear of European rivals outsmarting them and to gain the local leaders’ fear respect.
• To do this, they called upon Frederick Dealtry Lugard, who grew from a British soldier to High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria in 1900.
• After the official proclamation, he sent a memo to the Sarkin Muslmi, or King of the Sokoto Caliphate, to which there was no reply. This led to a rampage from Lugard to depose various emirates in the Caliphate. 

But today, we look at two kingdoms —  Bida and Yola emirates.

The 1897 Fall of Bida Empire 

Pre-colonial Bida: A Greedy and Bloodthirsty Government

Before the end of Bida in 1901, the emirate was the most populous out of five emirates (Agaie, Lapai, Lafiagi and Shonga) under the supervision of a Gwandu. Its regions stretched from present-day Niger State in Nupeland to Akoko in Ondo State. 

Procession of Etsu chiefs with bodyguards [Nupe Base]

They had the best tax and tributes collection record and traded–mostly slaves, firearms and ammunition–heavily with British and other European merchants in the early 19th century, which helped them raid villages and take other territories. This made them highly unpopular in the region, with many rebellions. Most notable is the Kyadya Rebellion of 1881-82.

Kyadya rebellion of 1881 [Don Steve Blog]

The Emir of Bida also replaced mini-state systems with a centralised system of government (much like Nigeria’s democracy today), which helped them to stay in control of all taxes and tributes. 

The Obaro Chieftaincy of Owe was upgraded to the paramount chief of all communities in North-East Yorubaland, which allowed him to implement Bida policies and collect tributes for delivery to Bida, which non-Owe and even Owe clans disliked. 

In 1895, the Bida terror reached an all-time high when the Emir decided not only to request money but now tributes in the form of young girls and boys to the Bida Empire. The Bida regions protested but to no avail.

With dissatisfaction amongst the tribes, Lugard’s advent in 1900 allowed them to express their concerns. 

How an unexpected alliance led to the fall of Bida 

Remember Bida’s trade with British merchants? This partnership is what eventually led to its downfall.

By 1897, Bida traded with the French and Germans. But by 1897, the British (through the Royal Niger Company (RNC) decided they wanted a  monopoly, which the leaders at Bida found as over-ambitious. This led to the first war between Bida and the RNC in 1897, which the RNC didn’t win. 

However, they helped one of Bida’s most resourceful regions gain independence – Kabba. Mutiny grew around the region, with subjects rallying behind a self-exiled Kyadya prince, Yahaya Marike, towards allying with the RNC to end Bida’s reign.

‘The Battle of Bida’ [Ndagi Abdullahi/RuokoTv/Facebook]

Under the Prince’s instructions, Kyadya inhabitants refused to ferry the Bida army across their territory in the River Niger area, forcing them to take a more difficult route which demoralised soldiers, leading to deaths and desertion. This weakened the Bida.

When this happened, Bida called out to the nearby Lapai and Agaie for aid, to no avail. Even the Yissahzi tribe that lived in the Bida township refused to give them additional troops. 

With this cooperation, the Marike-led government, alongside the RNC, attacked Bida. By the time the RNC and Marike’s army had reached the walls, Bida didn’t even know that Yissahzi and Kyadya were not on their side.

The Red Walls of Bida [Nomad4Now]

Bida’s downfall pushed regional power to the Patigi tribe, which revived all traditional Nupe offices. Lugard would later take Bida from the RNC, but the empire was already buried..

The 1902 Fall of Yola Empire 

“I’ll not be two-faced”

By the latter part of 1901, the British Army had deposed emirates: Bida, Ilorin, Kontagora, Lapai — and Yola was next on the hit list.

“A Hausa from Yola” c. 1902 [Wikipedia]

Adamawa aristocracy, debated their options: fall under British rule or resist them. This aristocracy comprised Lamido (King), Zubairu bin Adama on one side, Hamman Joda (the Qadi), Bobbo Ahmadu (the Lamido’s younger brother) and Yerima Iyabeno (the Lamido’s nephew) on the other. 

In the end, Lamido-Zubairu’s team—arguing for resistance—won. 

Their arguments had two principles:

• They did not want Europeans for dividing their empire (the Germans had taken over sub-emirate Tibati and were moving towards Ngoundere and Bamnyo);
• and strong respect for the Sokoto Caliphate and its vision.

Hans Dominik, Oscar Zimmerman, Curt von Pavel and other German officers rest for a photo after reaching Lake Chad. (May 2, 1902) [Wikipedia]

This is why, in his letter to Sultan Abdurrahman of Sokoto announcing the fall of Yola to the British months later, Lamido Zubairu pledged:

“I will not be two-faced, on your side and on the side of the Christians too. My allegiance is to you, to God and the Prophet, and after you to the Imam Mahdi. There is no surrender to the unbeliever even after the fall of the strongholds.”

The British troops arrive

The British deployed 22 European officers and NCOs and 365 mercenaries, 275-mm guns and 4 Maxim guns, led by Colonel T.N.L. Morland, for the occupation of Yola on September 2, 1901. 

They travelled using steamboats on Lake Njuwa and were anchored near a baobab tree locally called Bokki Hampeto. Colonel Morland sent a Shuwa Arab resident of Yola to send a letter to the Lamido containing their terms. The messenger returned three minutes later with the message that Lamido Zubayru refused to receive the letter. 

Upon receiving this message, Morland moved his troops closer to the town and then sent his messenger once again to the Lamido with the threat that if his letter were refused again, he would take steps to compel him to open it. Before the return of his message, people riding on horses came out of the town to block the British. 

Zubaryu retaliates

The messenger emerges, yet again, failing to deliver the letter to Lamido Zubairu as he was sent back and told by Lamido to warn Morland to retreat. More horsemen streamed out of the town to confront Morland and his forces. Morland calculated that it would be to their advantage to allow the people of Yola to attack first in the open. He felt it was much better than fighting in the narrow streets of Yola. He waited for the first attack from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. “after much shouting and exhorting from their mallams”. 

The First Attack

Despite the starting battle, Morland ordered his men to “reserve our fire till the leaders were within 200 yards” before he ordered the maxim guns to be fired. After this attack, Morland’s forces went on the offensive. They advanced through the town till they reached the Lamido’s palace and Friday mosque, which were heavily defended. An arrow wounded Morland himself, but they persevered and defeated their adversaries.

Morland lost two men with 37 wounded, while the Yola forces lost 50 with 150 wounded.

The Second Attack

The morning after, the British forces blew up the palace’s visitors’ chambers and other “important-looking buildings” in Yola. Morland also heard rumours that Lamido Zubayru fled to Gurin, forty miles east of Yola. 

The Capture of Yola, Benue, Northern Nigeria on September 2 by the Western African Frontier Force [Caton Woodville]

The Pursuit of Zubaryu

Acting Commissioner Wallace, with Colonel Morland, pursued Lamido to Gurin by steamboat. Eight European officers, NCOs, 150 mercenaries, and 2 Maxim guns accompanied them. 

After travelling on the river Benue, Faro and Heso for 26 hours, they arrived in Gurin only to be told that Emir was not there. They turned back towards Yola without any encounter. 

However, they learned that Zubaryu was in Ribadu, fourteen miles behind them. Wallace turned back to Yola to appoint a new “Lamido” while Morland and his forces marched towards Ribadu only to find out Lamido Zubayru had also not been there. Morland spent the night in Ribadu. 

On the morning of September 7, Colonel Morland shelled the town of Ribadu before returning to Yola.

What happened to Zubaryu?

The Lamido managed to escape capture for months. First of all, he hid in the “German parts” of Adamawa, including Adumri, Manoa and Madagali. He then revisited “British Adamawa” in October 1902 after taking refuge at Gudu for three months. The British caught him, but he escaped. 

The Lala (a tribe from Bornu State) later killed him in 1902, before knowing his identity.

Check out this weekly time machine same time next week to read the final edition of this series, “The Fall of Kano.”

In the early 1970s, Nigeria’s economy grew rapidly despite just coming out of a Civil War. This was a result of an expansion in the country’s petroleum sector.

The revenue growth was so massive that the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, declared, “Money is not Nigeria’s problem. But how to spend it”. 

Decades later, this statement has been a source of controversy, and Gowon himself has had to explain what he meant. But that’s not our concern here. So first, let’s get some context on the Nigerian situation at the time. Shall we? 

The Discovery of Oil 

People who believe Nigeria’s discovery of oil is a curse may not be far from the truth. As we have witnessed, the wealth that oil has brought us has been the bane of our development. 

The first discovery of oil was in 1956. Shell discovered it in Oloibiri, present-day Bayelsa State. As exploration continued, massive onshore and offshore crude oil deposits were found. As a result, Nigeria became one of the world’s largest oil producers. 

First test drilling for oil in Nigeria in Oloibiri, Imo State c. 1950 [Ukpuru]

Booming Oil

As oil production grew, Nigeria’s revenue increased exponentially. In 1958, the government’s revenue from oil was N200,000. By 1970, the revenue was N166 million. Just three years later, that number rose to $1.5 billion; in 1975, it reached a record $6 billion. 

Nigeria became the second-largest supplier of oil to the United States. But where was the money going? 

The Mismanagement of State Resources

The Gowon government embarked on a series of infrastructural projects such as roads, universities, hospitals, office complexes, army barracks, hotels, factories, etc. To execute these projects, the government imported several million tonnes of cement from different countries, including the United States, Romania, Greece, and Spain. For example, the defence ministry ordered more than 16 million tonnes, despite requiring 2.9 million tonnes for its own projects.

Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s former Military Head of State c.1970 [Britannica]

The surge in demand also meant that Nigeria paid more – $115 per tonne of cement. That was nearly three times the market price. As the cement arrived in Nigeria, it exceeded the capacity of the Lagos port, causing gridlock with over four hundred ships battling for dock space. For context, the Lagos port could only accept one million tonnes of cargo per year. This crisis later became known as the “Cement Armada.”

Silent Video on Gen. Gowon’s Visit to Apapa Wharf to Inspect Col. Adekunle’s Work on Port Congestion | May 1970 [Adeyinka Makinde/YouTube]

Consequences 

At the time, crude oil accounted for 92% of Nigeria’s exports. However, the neglect of other sectors of the economy, especially agriculture, resulted in economic crises years later. Moreover, Nigeria’s failure to properly invest the proceeds from the oil boom came back to haunt it when petroleum prices dipped between 1976 and 1979. 

The handling of the oil revenue also created widespread corruption among government officials. Allocation of revenue and awarding of contracts were some of the means used by officials to steal state resources. 

Just like the importation of cement, Nigeria also imported food items such as palm oil and groundnuts. This meant a reliance on food imports at the expense of the agricultural economy. With more money in the economy, consumption rose. This resulted in inflation. Between 1973 and 1981, food prices skyrocketed by 273%. 

Lessons 

The foundation of the problems Nigeria faces today was laid long ago. The oil boom of the 1970s was supposed to help us build an economy that should have sustained us for decades. 

Today, Nigeria continues to heavily rely on oil revenues, which leaves the country vulnerable to unpredictable fluctuations in the price of petroleum. Also, the lack of quality leadership, pervasive corruption, and misplaced priorities have significantly hindered the nation’s progress, despite its wealth of resources. 

To understand many of Nigeria’s problems, you need a wayback machine that takes you back in time because that’s where it all started. 

                        — Thomas Sankara  

This story of British tyranny and resistance began when the British Empire declared Northern Nigeria a protectorate in 1900. 

Northern Nigeria Protectorate (1900-1914) [Dead Country Stamps and Banknotes]

In reality, there was no “urgent” need to conquer the territory. Northern Nigeria at the time held no economic resources for them, and the local traditional rulers didn’t even like the British due to their previous activities of tyranny in other regions. 

To understand this, read: How King Koko Created the White Man’s Graveyard in Bayelsa 

To justify their actions to the public, they decided to go with the narrative of “keeping the peace” in the Sokoto Caliphate due to their corrupt, oppressive rule and incessant slave raiding. 

View of Kano City, Nigeria, capital of the Sokoto Caliphate in 1851. [Heinrich Barth]

But really, they had their own fears. They knew that their European rivals like France and Italy could easily take over the territory if they slacked on their authority, and the local leaders may never give them the respect they felt they deserved. 

Thus, they felt it expedient to conquer the North and conquered it fast. 

For this task, they chose one man. This was the man behind the amalgamation of Nigeria and the nation’s “founding father”, Lord Frederick Dealtry Lugard. 

Lord Frederick Lugard, 1st baron [Elliott & Fry]

Lugard’s origin story 

To understand the story of Lord Lugard, we need to understand his origins. 

He came from a polygamous family, with his mom being the third wife to his father, a chaplain in the East India Company. 

Lugard was a British Army soldier who later received a posting to India, where he began an illicit relationship with an unnamed married woman and later got jilted by her. The heartbreak was so intense that he decided to go to Africa to escape unhappy memories under the British East Africa Company. This was from 1889–1892. 

Before he came to Nigeria, he was already knee-deep in controversy concerning his time in Uganda. In his efforts to capture the nation for the British Crown, he was accused of playing a key role in the massacre of natives and using excessive force. 

Uganda under colonial rule in government reports, 1903-1961 [Microform]

Arrival into Nigeria and military promotion 

When Lugard arrived in Nigeria in 1894, he nearly died from a poisonous arrow. 

The incident happened as he returned from his negotiation duties with the local chiefs in Borgu (a region in present-day Niger State), under the Royal Niger Company. He only survived on the herbal potions that the native doctors in the area administered to him. 

Three years later, in 1897, he was appointed commandant of the newly formed West African Frontier Force and, in 1900, High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria. 

And as a high commissioner, he needed to show the natives that a new force in town needed to be obeyed. 

Lugard as colonial administrator, Northern Nigeria [Britannica]

The plot truly thickens here, with one line of correspondence that would change the course of history for Nigeria’s northern territory. 

The spark of defiance that led to a full-blown war 

After the official declaration of the North’s transformation as a protectorate in 1900, Lugard needed to inform the local leaders officially of Britain’s presence in the area. 

To achieve this, he sent a Hausa translation of the proclamation to the Sarkin Musulmi, or “leader of all Muslims”, Abdulrahman. He had been in power for nine years before the arrival of the British. 

The latter didn’t respond, but the messenger reports that he turned to his court and said, “No letters ever brought fear like this one. I will read no more letters from these white men.”

The refusal to respond made Lugard extremely angry, as it was interpreted as an insult to him and the King of Britain. 

With this in mind and to also teach Abdulrahman, Lugard made his way to the ancient cities of Bida and Kontogora to claim them under British command — without the Sarkin’s permission. 

Want to know more about the tyranny and fall of the Bida Empire under the British? Then check out this weekly time machine again at the same time next week. 

This article draws inspiration from Max Silloun’s “What Britain Did to Nigeria”