Editorial Note: The Nigerian Voter is a platform for Nigerians to passionately discuss policies and politics with little interference to individual opinions. While our editorial standards emphasise the truth and we endeavour to fact-check claims and allegations, we do not bear any responsibility for allegations made about other people that are founded in half-truths.  

The subject of today’s “The Nigerian Voter” is Victor, a travel consultant in his mid-twenties who is a resident of Lagos State. He told us about his shattered dreams for Obi as president, his reasons for preferring a second term with Babajide Sanwo-Olu as Lagos State governor, and his thoughts on the other Lagos gubernatorial candidates for the March 11 elections. 

When was the first election that you participated in? 

The 2023 election was the first election I participated in. This is because I never had an interest in politics until the EndSARS movement when people came out to protest in large numbers and were also killed. I always felt that nothing in the political system of Nigeria could change, but something very special happened during EndSARS — there was just this newfound belief that people had the power in their hands to make the country work. This belief birthed in me the desire to vote. I no longer wanted to sit on the fence and criticize the government. I registered for my Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC) in 2021 and voted in 2023. 

Who did you vote for during the 2023 presidential elections and why?

During the presidential elections, I voted for Peter Obi of the Labour Party. I don’t vote based on parties but rather based on individuals. Peter Obi was my best choice because I saw his background as an economist and I felt he could fix up our economy. I was so disappointed when he lost. 

The All Progressives Congress (APC) at the federal level has failed us woefully, especially in my area of expertise. 

For instance, in Jonathan’s time, it is possible for you to see the Naira to Dollar exchange rate between ₦180-₦200. But now, with a ₦740 to a dollar exchange rate, a round-trip ticket from Nigeria to London would cost you nothing less than ₦3.3 million through Virgin Airways. This was a place that people used to go to for ₦110,000 back in the day. This has really discouraged people from travelling. 

Now that Tinubu is president-elect, have you accepted the current administration? 

Well for me, no. I’ve not accepted that man as my president, but at the same time, I don’t want to get my hopes high. He may not be Buhari but he still had a crucial role to play towards his administration. 

I’m just watching and waiting for what happens over the next couple of months regarding the post-election tribunals.

Have you ever taken an interest in Lagos State governance? What are your thoughts?

Yes, I have. I firstly believe that it is Babatunde Fashola that really made the positive changes in Lagos, not Tinubu. Then Akinwunmi Ambode did his best, then Sanwo-Olu came in. 

I believe that the current governor has tried in his capacity. A lot of projects have been going on such as The Blue Rail Project, the invention of new road networks, and even safety too. If you go back to some years before now, there are areas in Lagos that you can’t even go to once it’s 7 p.m. due to thug harassment. But Sanwo-Olu has been able to take care of those boys and make the roads safe for travel. 

For instance, there was a friend of mine that came to Lagos recently and arrived in Oshodi at midnight. I was so scared for her safety, but she got to her place unhurt. It was even the touts that were helping her and warning others that she shouldn’t get hurt. I was really amazed. This would have been a very risky move for her to make some years back. 

He has also tried in education. I spoke with a friend who is a teacher, and she told me that the education system has improved greatly in the last four years. The curriculum now has been made to properly prepare students towards the needs of the outside world. With all these testimonies, I feel the activities and governance of Lagos State have been a success so far under Sanwo-Olu.

So is it fair to say that you’d vote Sanwo-Olu for re-election as Lagos State governor?

Yes, this is definitely what I’m doing. I’ve noticed that Sanwo-Olu always tries to make amends for his wrongs. I know some think he is doing this just for his re-election, but this is a trait I’ve always noticed in him. Some leaders (whom I’d rather not name) would prefer that the country burns than listen to what you have to say. But that’s not Sanwo-Olu.

For instance, look at this cash scarcity issue. He has made sure that all Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) vehicles have their fares cut to 50% and the same is true for vehicles under the National Road Union of Transport Workers (NURTW). That is the act of a leader that listens and cares for people.

(Editorial note: Sanwo-Olu did reduce the fares of all state-owned transportation services by 50% in February 2023. However, there is no news on a fare reduction from the NURTW.)

What would you then say about his lack of accountability towards the Lekki Toll Gate shootings? 

One thing people don’t realise is that there is no established fact on who gave the order for the shooting. This October would make it three years since the tragedy happened, but we still don’t know for a fact. So how can you then accuse Sanwo-Olu directly for anything?

Also, I feel the administration of Lagos is purely run as a godfatherism thing. This is not to say that Sanwo-Olu is completely a puppet. But what if the order came from above and was completely out of his hands? That is something that would not be publicised. He tried to pay the medical bills for victims as well as set up a panel of inquiry. Is that the best he could do? Not quite, but I’d not hold that against him. I really don’t think that Sanwo-Olu is responsible for what happened, until we are aware of who gave the order.

(Editorial note: Sanwo-Olu did set up a trust fund of ₦200 million to compensate victims of the Lekki Toll Gate shootings. He also set up a panel of inquiry. However, it is not clear if the trust fund was set aside specifically for medical bills or not.)

What would you say about the other Lagos gubernatorial candidates?

I know of the Labour Party guy (Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour) and Jandor of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). For Gbadebo, I’d say that I never knew him until after the presidential election. I feel he is personally running off the wave of support for Peter Obi, which honestly is smart in a sense. I don’t blame him for it. However, this doesn’t mean that the man has elaborated fully on what he has to offer Lagosians. 

Watch: Lagos State Is Run Like A Mafia Government – Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour

For Jandor, I don’t know his portfolio. I only know that Fashola said that he was his cameraman when he was in power. 

What are those problems that you’d like Sanwo-Olu if re-elected?

Well, now that we have a Tinubu presidency incoming, I want Sanwo-Olu to have a very firm grip on the agberos or touts. I don’t want Lagos to be violent from the activities of these people again just because Tinubu is president. 

I’d also like for him to continue his work on infrastructure. He has been trying but there are many places in Lagos that still has bad or poorly maintained roads. 

In the end, after all said and done, a Nigerian politician would always be a Nigerian politician. I’m not expecting him to be a Messiah, but he should try as much as possible to make life easy for the average Lagosian. That’s all I require. 

This week’s ‘The Nigerian Voter’ subject is Enoch, a 28-year-old volunteer at the Kuchingoro Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Camp. 

He shared with us how the Boko Haram terror group displaced him from his state in 2014, his motivation for volunteering at the camp, and how he plans on voting as a means of revenge against the government for poor treatment of IDPs. 

What is the Kuchingoro IDP camp?

This is a camp for Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) due to violence from attacks from the Boko-Haram terrorist sect in the North-East of Nigeria. The attacks started in 2014 in villages in the North-East. Some villages are not accessible, while some are accessible but with a high presence of terrorism. The people are here to find a hiding place away from all the violence. 

Kunchigoro isn’t the only IDP camp. There are almost ten of these camps and settlements in Abuja, although not all of them are officially recognised. Karonmajigi, Lugbe and Kuje are examples of these camps, amongst many others.

You volunteer at Kuchingoro, how did you get here?

In 2014, I was in transit to Lagos from Borno. I decided to stop by Kunchigoro to see how some of my people were faring there. 

Even though I  am a displaced person, I have formal education and skills. This gave me some advantage in the camp than those who can’t read or write. 

Women sitting under a tree in New Kuchingoro Camp

Before then, my dad, siblings and two of my cousins were killed on the same day during the Gwoza village raid in Borno by Boko Haram. My cousin’s wife was also abducted. My mother, however, was in the hospital receiving kidney treatment in Abuja, so she was safe. 

That day, I was in my dormitory, preparing to finish my final year at the University of Maiduguri. A few days later, some of my relatives that survived came to break the news to me and I wept and wept. I don’t think I’ve ever cried since then the way I cried on the day my relatives came. 

So sorry for your loss. Where did you go after university?

Until I graduated, a lot of my friends gave me financial and emotional support. Most of those friends were staying in various parts of Abuja. 

I had plans to go to Lagos and look for work, but I’d have felt very bad if I had bypassed them after graduation without showing appreciation for their good deeds.

Therefore, I made my stop for a week in Abuja. 

During that period, one of my friends told me there were displaced people from my village in the IDP camp at Kuchingoro. A man who was left-handed and used stones on the Boko Haram members to chase them away during the raid was part of them. As a result, he sustained multiple gunshot wounds on his left arm, which made it diseased. I visited the man when I heard he moved to Kunchigoro. 

When I got there, the man was very sick. It was a very emotional moment for me because this brave, courageous man stood up for himself and was getting death in return. I then thought, “what if I was in the village that day? Wouldn’t I have been killed?” I quickly rushed to get him medication, and slowly but surely, he improved. 

That thought alone made me realise that I could do something to help people in need, especially IDPs. After two months, I came to Abuja from Lagos to advocate for donors and humanitarian organisations that could help the Kuchingoro camp. I went to Channels, Max TV, and even radio stations like Ray FM, Nigeria Info and Kiss FM just to beg for help on air. 

It wasn’t easy, but with aid from Help of God International Church and others, we spread awareness about the camp. More people came here. The numbers grew to 6,000 in that same year, 2014.

What has it been like working in Kuchingoro?

It has had its ups and downs. I remember when people trooped in their thousands around 2014 and 2015. I felt alarmed because the humanitarian support wasn’t there. Thus, I decided to use my knowledge of statistics to take the exact numbers of people in the camp and a tracker of people looking for their loved ones. I contacted the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA)and Humanitarian Watch.

I thought the statistics would be able to help with more donations for the camp. However, it didn’t turn out as I expected. Even though some were and are still coming in, I’ve noticed that most of these organisations (especially the federal ones) love to cut out their share of the donations meant for us and give us the remnants. Some even justify this by saying we are not an actual IDP camp. This has forced us as a community not to depend so much on handouts but to fend for ourselves. And with almost 80% of the adults being illiterate, it is very, very hard.

Netcodietsmann supporting IDP children in Kuchingoro with free education.

Now to the good parts. I feel fulfilled being able to work here and also being able to make a good living through farming and harvesting locust beans. This is the same as most of the male persons here. A group of Reverend Sisters here in Abuja donated about 50-100 plots of land for us to farm and make money. Many of these IDPs have been able to sell their foodstuff to other states like Lagos and Ibadan, and receive good profits. The Universal Basic Education (UBE) built a school for children. We also started a skill acquisition program for women. About 70-80% of these women have finished their training and can now do basic handwork like soap making and cosmetology, which can fetch them money. It has been fulfilling so far.

Since 2014, we’re down to 1,700 people in the camp. This is because people are making enough money out of their farming business to get a home for themselves on the outskirts of Abuja. But we that are here still need any form of help that we can get. Buhari and the federal government have done a good job on this so far. I hope the next president can be better.

What is the general atmosphere in the camp towards the 2023 elections?

The people here are very eager to vote because we love our country. No political party has come to campaign here to look for votes. As I speak, most of us have our Permanent Voter’s Cards (PVCs), and we are even looking for ten fourteen-seater buses to go to our polling units to vote. And even if we can’t find the buses, we’ll trek there if we have to.

This election is crucial for us because we hate the government’s approach concerning our rehabilitation back to society. I still hear of village raids now and then in Borno state. That’s a problem they didn’t solve. They didn’t give us our full rations or even care for our emotional welfare. Some new folks have had their minds corrupted by Boko Haram. They’ve seen the way the government treats ex-Boko haram members with money. They want to join the Boko Haram just to follow that route. I can’t allow that same party [the All-Progressives Congress (APC)] that caused all this to be in power again. I am voting as a means of revenge and rebellion against this government. Affliction cannot rise a second time.

We’ve even hidden our PVCs just so that politicians don’t have any ideas of thinking that they can bribe us. We are ready to show them ‘pepper’.

Who would you say people would like to vote for and why?

I can’t speak for everyone. However, from the people I’ve talked to, there is a division between Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

For Peter, people love him because he doesn’t seem to belong in the same corrupt category as the other two candidates. He is also the youngest and seemingly healthiest. I side with the people that are for Obi.

Those for Atiku are mostly doing it for tribal reasons. That is, he’s from the North and I am from the North too. For me, there is no excuse for this. He has a past record of corruption as Vice-President, with embezzlement of public funds. I don’t trust him. 

What problem(s) would you like your candidate to solve if he becomes president?

I would like him to establish a database for missing persons and a Special Assistant or Adviser on IDP Affairs. We need someone who understands IDP people’s needs and can liaise directly with the government. That’s the only way I believe true rehabilitation of people in the IDP camps and communities can be met.

In this week’s edition of ‘The Nigerian Voter’, we’ll discuss voters’ fears of election violence ahead of the 2023 elections and how these fears are entrenched in 6 election cycles of violence since the start of democratic rule in 1999. 

Nigerians are experiencing worry, fear, and anxiety, with less than 12 days to the 2023 elections on February 25, 2023.

This has resulted in harassment and beating for supporting some candidates.

One such event was during the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, Peter Obi’s Lagos Rally, on February 11, 2023. Some Peter Obi supporters were attacked by thugs with machetes and other weapons,  on their way to the Tafawa Balewa Square (TBS).

When this happened, there was a lot of public opinion on voters’ fears of election violence. Most of the accounts were terrified of harassment from thugs by the ruling All-Progressive Congress (APC).

Well, who can blame them? Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, there has been no moment’s rest concerning election violence, with more than 1,800 deaths. And entering democratic rule in 1999 didn’t help either.

Let’s look into the statistics here:

History of voter election violence since 1999

There was widespread violence following allegations of fraud regarding the 1999 election that ushered in the presidency of Olusegun Obasanjo. It is estimated that about 80 people died. In 2003, at least 100 people were killed during incidents of violence triggered by federal and state elections. 

In 2007, over 300 people lost their lives due to electoral violence four years later, with pre-election violence claiming more than 70 lives.

Again, in 2011, post-election violence led to the death of at least 800 people over three days of rioting in 12 states across northern Nigeria — the worst case so far in the country’s political history.

“The violence began with widespread protests by supporters of the main opposition candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, a northern Muslim from the Congress for Progressive Change, following the re-election of incumbent Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian from the Niger Delta in the south, who was the candidate for the ruling People’s Democratic Party,” noted Human Rights Watch.

During and after the general elections in 2015, more than 100 people lost their lives, according to the International Crisis Group. And finally, the European Union Election Observation Mission said about 150 people were killed due to violence linked to the last national elections of 2019.

Sadly, citizens are not the only ones that suffer from election violence. A closer look at the figures shows that election officials from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

A Trend of Election Violence Against Election Officials (2019-2022)

In November 2022, the electoral commission said it had recorded 50 attacks in 15 of the country’s 36 states and the capital since 2019. It may probably have been more, as data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), suggests that might be an estimate.

According to data from ACLED represented by Al Jazeera in December 2022, there have been more than 100 attacks associated with elections since the last elections in 2019. At least 67 of them were recorded on non-election days between January 2019 and December 2022.

But why is there election violence?

There are many reasons why election violence has risen to an all-time high since the start of Nigeria’s democracy. Some of them are:

To gain wealth and profit

Firstly, politics is the most profitable sector in Nigeria. And the stakes are extremely high. Holding a position in government holds the key to power, which in turn provides access to the country’s wealth. Winners gain all, and losers are sometimes left with nothing, including their followers, investment and integrity.

The result is that political actors often prepare strategies to achieve their objectives that can include violence.

Lack of strong state institutions

Those involved in electoral governance are vulnerable to coercion or manipulation. On numerous occasions in past elections, there have been allegations of infractions committed by officials of the electoral body or security agencies in favour of one party or another. This, in turn, has led to some political actors enlisting the support of armed non-state groups. These groups sometimes operate in conflict with state institutions and sometimes compete with them. In some instances, there is cooperation.

The frustration of Nigerian citizens

Many Nigerians are frustrated by the economic, social and political situation in the country. People are frustrated by poverty, inequality, perceived injustice, illiteracy, youth unemployment, hunger, corruption, human rights abuse and insecurity.

Added to this is the lack of sensitivity and inadequate responses of the government.

This is a major reason behind the increase in civil and militant protests and criminal violence in Nigeria.

What is the solution to electoral violence?

Here are some solutions that we feel are necessary to curb electoral violence:

More effort is also needed to build the capacity of relevant institutions. Two key ones stand out: the electoral and security agencies.

Nigeria’s electoral body (INEC) plays an important role in reducing electoral violence. The regulation of party activities and the conduct of elections should be consistent with the country’s laws and directives. And its actions should be transparent. This will strengthen stakeholders’ confidence in the institution and process of the elections.

Election security should be demilitarised. While policing can feature the armed forces in supporting roles, it is important to balance their role during elections with rule of law and respect for human rights. Suspects should be arrested, prosecuted and served justice (devoid of political influence) after a fair hearing.

Nigeria has relevant laws to curb electoral violence. The implementation and enforcement of these laws should be a priority.

INEC should also promote public education using both traditional and new media-based advocacy.

Political parties, civil society groups and media also play important roles in influencing public opinion and mobilising people. Political parties should check, and when necessary condemn and sanction their members and followers engaged in electoral violence. Civil society groups should demand greater accountability and transparency of the election process as well as educate and mobilise the public.

This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Yusuf, a 26-year-old postgraduate student at the University of Ibadan. He tells us about his past voter experiences, why he is a big fan of Atiku Abubakar and his reasons for believing that the plans made against Atiku by the G5 don’t hold water. 

Have you ever been voted in any election before? 

I voted in 2015 and 2019. I also participated in the “Deliver Oyo” campaign group in 2018.

What was the campaign all about?

The campaign was all about the 2019 candidates and what they had to bring to the table. We were at the frontlines, granting interviews and developing goals and strategies that the candidates could possibly use to win the elections. It was around that time that the #NotTooYoungtoRun movement became very popular and soon became an Act. We had very young candidates here in Oyo state. Some of them didn’t win their elections, and others were later made appointees of the government of the day. 

That’s dope! Who did you vote for in 2015 and 2019, and why?

In 2015, unfortunately, I voted for Buhari. In 2019, I voted for Atiku. The funny thing with Buhari in 2015 was that I didn’t exactly support him.

What do you mean?

Well, I know his history well enough. People think his political career began when he planned that coup between 1984 and 1985. However, this is not true. Buhari was at the forefront of various coups. Even after he became the Head of State and Petroleum Minister, with the way we handled the government, I knew that he wasn’t the one for us.

However, I decided to vote for him because of one person — Fashola. Most of us who were from the South-West but were not in Lagos admired how he ran Lagos and believed he would be the template for all All Progressive Congress ( APC) governors. We felt that if he is supporting Buhari, and we supported Buhari because of Fashola, then he would make Minister. Also, there would be more chances of his work being replicated in other states too, including the South-West.

Therefore, I voted for Buhari not because of his person, but mostly because of the intelligent people he has had to work with. I felt that even if he couldn’t do his job right, his people would be there to pick up the slack. I guess I was wrong.

Why did you vote for Atiku in 2019?

I believed he was the better candidate. I was part of the election cycle, so I knew a lot about politicking and how these elections are run. With Buhari and Atiku as forerunners, it was a matter of settling for one of the lesser devils. This is because I strongly believed that no party asides from the two major parties can win at the level of the presidency. 

Atiku had the qualifications. I feel his allegations of corruption are being over-exaggerated by the media. It’s not as deep as we see it. 

Do you still have plans of voting for Atiku in 2023? If yes, why?

I think Atiku is our only chance of booting the APC out of the presidency. People think that there can be no president worse than Buhari, but I disagree. I believe that things can be even worse with an APC candidate taking over from Buhari. Our democracy is very fragile and we cannot allow someone who doesn’t respect the tenets of democracy to get to that office in Aso Rock.

Our presidential system of government is structured in such a way that it gives the president so much power. I think the closest system to ours is the American system, and even then, theirs has a lot of devolution or distribution of power.

Why that statement? What makes you so?

Because it’s in the constitution. Let’s start from 1999 till date. When Obasanjo was president, he was able to control even things that happened in the National Assembly. This is for both the House of Representatives and the Senate. 

The only person that didn’t mix both arms of government was Yar’Adua, and that was because he passed on shortly after he became president. Even Goodluck Jonathan at one point interfered with the affairs of legislation. The constitution was even written by military personnel, so it has this ‘Decree 36’ sort of vibe with the centralisation of power that Aguiyi Ironsi did in 1966.

That’s why Atiku is campaigning for state autonomy because states in Nigeria do not control their resources. The Federal government controls their resources and gives them derivation at the end of the month.

The point is, we can not allow someone that doesn’t respect the tenets of democracy to be given that level of power. This is also a major reason why I am with Atiku.

But with the decline of Atiku’s popularity over the last months, do you think he still has a chance of winning?

The decline of his popularity is on social media oh, not physically. Let’s do a breakdown. There are 36 states in Nigeria, with 17 in the South and 19 in the North. Atiku’s running mate is someone who has been in government since 1999. He was James Ibori’s commissioner for 8 years. After Ibori left, he was also involved in 2 more tenures. The reason why I am bringing this up is to prove that Okowa is a political heavyweight.

Even when Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike first entered the political sphere, Okowa was already a commissioner of several tenures.

Atiku also has the support of so many people in the South-South. There’s Delta, Okowa’s state. There is Bayelsa, which is a traditional PDP state and currently has a PDP governor. Rivers State is a traditional PDP state too but may be difficult to win because of Wike’s beef with Atiku. There is Akwa Ibom State, where Udom Emmanuel is a PDP governor. There is also Akpabio whom APC did not give his return ticket, but he still has that PDP structure.

This means that there is solid hope of Atiku winning in the South as well as the North. It also means that Southerners, especially the South-South, have a great chance of making it to the presidency in the next couple of years. Obi is gaining ground in the South-East sure, but that doesn’t change the fact that the region is traditionally PDP too. What the PDP needs to get is at least 25% in all the southern states.

Another point is, in all the states in Nigeria, with the way the election is, the state Obi wins, Atiku will come second. The state Tinubu wins, Atiku will come second. And yet, we say he doesn’t have a chance? Here in Oyo state, people would say that Atiku can’t win because Seyi Makinde is a G5 governor. But did they see the massive mobilisation that happened, even before Atiku announced that he was running for the presidency? Atiku has been in the PDP and has held Oyo state down before his campaign started.

Yes, things have boiled down concerning his online campaign, but that doesn’t change the fact that this election is still between the APC and PDP.

You mentioned the G5. Who are they, and what do they represent?

The G5 is a group of five governors on the platform of the PDP. They are saying that they cannot support a transition of an APC Fulani man to a PDP Fulani man. In other words, they do not support a Fulani-Fulani transition for the presidency and feel a Southern president should emerge instead.

Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State leads the G5. Other members include Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, Samuel Ortom of Benue State, Ifeanyi Uguwanyi of Enugu State and Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia State.

Can you say that the G5 still has an impact on the elections and the PDP?

They don’t. As it stands now if they proclaim the candidacy of Atiku, some of them will lose their elections. If you look at the G5 governors, only Nyesom Wike is not returning to power. Samuel Ortom is contesting for the Senate in Benue. Same with Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu and Ikpeazu of Abia state. Seyi Makinde is seeking re-election for governor of Oyo state. So it’s only Wike in this group that has nothing to lose.

At this stage of the election, if my governor in Oyo State starts to campaign against Atiku, he will campaign against aspirants for the Senate and House of Representatives. 

In fact, during the Atiku campaign, the three Senate aspirants for Oyo South, Oyo North and Oyo Central and the 14 aspirants for the House of Representatives were all there to welcome Atiku. My point is that their election is tied to Atiku’s victory at the polls. The G5 can work for any candidate they like, but it has to be lowkey. I even feel like the nature of their group is unfounded.

How so?

I’ll keep referencing Oyo State because I am from here. So in Oyo State, we have four-axis — Ibadan (state capital), Oke-Ogun, Ibarapa and Ogbomosho. Since 1999, Ibadan has been the one producing the governors. Ibarapa has never made a governor, but they are not complaining or saying that ‘it’s their turn’. For Makinde’s campaign in 2019, he even came out to say that he is not running as an Ibadan man but rather as someone competent.

If he has said that, why can’t he give Atiku the benefit of the doubt?

This dispute’s genesis was that one couldn’t have a Fulani-Fulani transition. Look at Wike now. He succeeded Rotimi Amaechi, both of whom are from Ikwerre local government. Why didn’t he say he would wait for a candidate from another zone to aspire for governorship before he stepped up?

My point is that if one wants to polarise the election along regional lines, Atiku will still win. If he doesn’t win states in the South, he will come second in those states. At this stage of our democracy, it’s not about the region.

If it was the ‘turn of the South’ like they claim, why was Wike lobbying to be Atiku’s running mate at the primaries? These are questions that one should ask. You can’t be the beneficiary of a same-zone transition and still complain. However, the decisions of these governors can affect who citizens would vote for in their various states. For instance, Ortom’s leaning toward Peter Obi of the Labour Party could affect voter decisions on Atiku.

What would you say of Obi, Tinubu and Kwankwaso as candidates?

As I said earlier, the candidate of the APC (Tinubu) does not respect the tenets of democracy. He has had a hand in the affairs of Lagos State from 1999 till date. I also have a personal grudge against anyone (including APC members) that had a hand in October 2020 #EndSARS massacre. They have House of Representative aspirants that I can vote for, but I can’t vote for anyone APC at the central level. I just can’t.

As for Peter Obi, I’m not voting for him right now because I feel his party is not a major party yet. You can’t build structures, campaigns, and everything else you’d need to survive a presidency in five months. If he keeps going this way, though, who knows? He could be our next president in 2027.

For Kwankwaso, his New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) doesn’t have a fanbase outside of Kano state. I believe he is depending on Kano state being a swing state to have an edge, but that’s too much of a stretch.

How are you mobilising people to vote in this election?

To be honest, I don’t see why you are a Nigerian living in Nigeria with the current state of the economy and not vote.

If people no longer believe in the Nigerian project to vote, then honestly they shouldn’t bother.

This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Tolu*, a 200-level Mass Communication student in his early twenties schooling at the Federal University of Technology, Minna. He is passionate about voting, but with exams clashing with the elections, he and 26,000 other students at his school can’t travel home. He tells us of his frustrations with the educational system, his desire to vote and who he hopes can win this election.

When did you first enter university, and how many strikes have you experienced?

I got admission in 2019 but resumed in 2020. I was in school from January to March 2020, when the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown started. 

I was at home from March to December 2020 due to COVID-19 and a strike from the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). 2021 was the only year that I had a full session. In 2022, I was in school from January to March before the eight-month strike that ended in October. That is two strikes already in three years. 

Wow. How would you say the strikes have affected you?

By now, I’m supposed to be in my final year (400 level), but I’m still in the second semester of my second year. I’ve not even written exams. 

I’ve not been able to make progress with my goals in life. There were so many things I planned and put in place. 

For instance, I had a summer job shortly before I entered university. The manager there liked me and promised I could return and work there in my 300 level for Industrial Training (IT). Now the manager that promised that opportunity was transferred last year. If there were no strikes, I’d have worked there by now. Now I can no longer do it there, and my chances of working at the firm in future have been cut short. 

It has also affected my grades too. When I returned from the 2020 strike, some lecturers claimed that they had misplaced all the test scripts we had written before the strike. Hence, they gave people random scores and the “random score” I got wasn’t so favourable and it brought down my Grade Point Average (GPA). 

Also, this has affected me mentally because I’m slowly but surely losing hope in the educational system. It makes me wonder if having an education is worth it or not. 

Who do you think is the cause of the strikes?

Well, I can’t say lecturers for sure because my parents are also in the educational system. It is not easy to teach endlessly and not have your salaries paid monthly. A politician can’t be there taking your money, and you don’t do anything about it. So I’d say a larger portion of the blame goes to the politicians.

But I’d also like the lecturers to have compassion for us. We understand their plight, but it is also our future that they are using to fight for their rights. 

Since the recent strike was called off in October 2022, how have you coped with your academics?

We had it rough for the first three weeks with back-to-back classes and tests, but now we’ve adjusted. I have classes from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. every day. Even though it is stressful, I like it in a way because it is helping us to meet up with the school calendar. We are far behind because of these strikes. We have no option.

Is the schedule by any chance clashing with the elections? 

Firstly, I should say that it almost affected my collecting my Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC). We closed for the holidays three days to Christmas Day. If I didn’t make up my mind to collect it before resumption, I’m not sure I’d have ever been able to collect it again. 

As to how it’s clashing with the elections, my exams start on February 20. I also have exams on February 24, which is the day before the presidential elections. 

How does this affect you?

My residence is in Kogi state, a 7-hour drive from Minna. I cannot finish exams by 2 p.m. and then make a 7-hour drive to Kogi state just to vote. My parents will not support that, with the insecurity on that route. 

I also have exams after February 25 as well. If I go back home, there is no way I’d be able to prepare that weekend (being election weekend). Only people from Niger state can go back home, and even then, it’s a five-hour drive at best. People from far distances like mine can’t go back. FUTMINNA has to realise that they are disenfranchising the rights of over 26,000 students in this school to vote. 

I’ve been following the news in other schools too, and I’ve seen that 7,000 students have raised their grievances on this issue on social media platforms. I’m very sure that if universities decide to give a one-week break before the elections, I can bet that at least 10,000 students would use the opportunity to vote. 

Why do you have so much passion for voting?

It’s because I’m very much concerned about the country’s well-being. The well-being of this country ultimately affects my future. There have been occasions when I was in my room, and I shed tears just because of the state of this country. And the only way I can change things is by voting. 

But now I can’t even do that anymore. How can I be preparing since June 2022 to vote and now that the elections are almost here in 2023, I can’t vote? It hurts me a lot. The 2023 elections are possibly the only chance I’d have to rewrite the story of my country and my educational future. And now I’m about to lose that because of my school. If the presidency falls into the wrong hands, I will lose 8 years of my life. And eight years plus my current age is a lot. I might probably have had children by then. I don’t want my kids to live in a destabilised country. 

Right now, public universities are talking about how to increase school fees. The current fee we pay here at FUTMINNA is N39,000. Even then, the money took a lot of work for most people. Some had to go on social media and open GoFundMe accounts to raise money for their tuition. How would things be if they increased it to N80,000, for instance? If you have a good country, the school fees would be regulated. I know how much my parents spend on my fees and well-being in this school, and I know they don’t have savings at the end of the month. Voting in this election is my only chance of making things right and ensuring that affliction doesn’t prevail a second time. 

What are your plans going forward with the elections? Have you accepted your fate? 

If it’s the will of God, I’ll vote. I’m being optimistic that things could change between now and election day. 

Who would you vote for if you were able to, and why? 

I’d vote for someone with competence and charisma. I’d vote for someone who I can hold accountable. I’d vote for who has a track record, and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) is that person. 

What about the other candidates? 

I may not be old enough to have been around when the other candidates were at the peak of their political careers, but I’ve read books and watched their presidential town halls. Who has presented the most sensible points to us? Who can we look at his antecedents, at his past and say that he is a bit capable of rebuilding Nigeria?

I have been to Anambra state and I see what he did with the road network and it’s worthy of commendation. 

In terms of education, what do you think Peter Obi would do for you if he became president? 

When he came to Niger state, he assured us that our four years course would be four years. He also promised us SME skills for entrepreneurs. He will also give people small-scale loans for students who wish to do business while in school. He also promised to teach people online and technical skills. 

Even though you might not be able to vote, are you mobilising others to exercise their rights? 

Well, I know my parents and siblings are going to vote. Before I saw my exam schedules, people in my state planned to rent buses to transport people to polling units to vote. 

Even in school, I make sure that I reach out to people back home to remind them to vote on February 25. My friends and I do the same thing here at school to anyone willing to listen. 

Nonetheless, there are still a few of us who have enough passion and can put our lives on the line to go out there and vote.  

We write the news and track the 2023 elections for citizens, by citizens in our weekly newsletter, Game of Votes. Make the subscription of a lifetime here.

In today’s edition, Citizen discusses the various factors that could affect the choice of a Nigerian Voter as they prepare to come to the polls in February 2023.

With Nigerian voters being only 31 days shy from casting their votes in February 2023, a lot of activity has been going on from key players in the political scene. 

This ranges from party defections to allegations against candidates and so much more. And these activities have a very high chance of determining who a voter would support during an election. 

However, some of these factors play a key role in voter decisions. These are:

Ethnicity 

There are 18 candidates vying for the presidency, and three of them are from the major ethnic groups in Nigeria. 

Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from the North, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from the South-West, and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) from the East. 

Despite the provision given by law which allows individuals of all tribes to contest for elections, there has been controversy since 1999 that presidential power should rotate every eight years between the northern and southern parts of the country.

This is why many individuals and groups from the north and the south agree that President Muhammadu Buhari must be succeeded by someone from the south.

However, a South-Eastern presidency (which could be made likely with Obi winning the elections) has been a source of controversy amongst ethnic tribes. 

This is largely because the zone is clamouring to produce its first-ever president in Nigeria. 

Religion 

Religion, like ethnicity, has always been a very key factor in voter participation. Islam and Christianity are the two biggest religions in Nigeria, with 53.5% of Nigerians being Muslim and 45.9% being Christian respectively. 

Since 1999 there has also been an unwritten law to ensure that the president and the vice president do not share the same religion. While the north is predominantly Muslim, the south is predominantly Christian. 

But that may change if this man comes along.

The BAT

In July 2022, Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba Muslim, chose Kashim Shettima, a Kanuri Muslim and former governor of Borno State, as his running mate. 

As expected, many Nigerians and groups, including the Christian Association of Nigeria, strongly condemned the ticket.

But that didn’t stop the BAT, as he is still proudly campaigning on a Muslim-Muslim ticket. 

The rise of a ‘third force’

Until 2015, the only strong contenders for the presidency were the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Their winning streak ended when their candidate (Goodluck Jonathan) lost the 2015 elections to President Muhammadu Buhari of the APC. 

In 2023, things are looking to change with the rise of a third-party force from the Labour Party (LP). This is all due to its presidential candidate, Peter Obi. 

Already he has managed to create a strong Obidient movement across the country, as well as become a favourite for the elections with more than four opinion polls in his favour. 

Vote-buying

In a country with over 63% of its population being multidimensionally poor, anyone is looking for a means to hustle and make money. Even if it means selling their votes to do it. 

However, there are promises of reduction in the act. 

The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Mahmoud Yakubu, promised Nigerians that party agents caught buying votes during the 2023 elections would be rightfully punished in accordance with the Electoral Act. 

This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Ade*, a young social media manager in his early twenties who was once a member of the Kingdom Hall of Jehovah’s Witness — a Christian denomination known to view voting as a sin. He tells us why the church sees political participation in that light and his views on voter participation. 

Why do the Jehovah’s Witness (JW) not believe in voting?

We remain politically neutral for religious reasons based on the Bible. We don’t lobby or vote for political candidates or run for power. We would not partake in anything concerning politics or ruling over others using manmade regulations.

We do not participate in governance. 

Are there scriptures in the Christian Bible that pertain to this?

Jesus refused to accept political office. In John 6:15, he taught his disciples to be no part of the world. 

Jehovah’s Witnesses are loyal to God’s kingdom, as in 2 Corinthians 5:20.

God’s role as the ruler is ultimate; taking sides with any other government is like compromising. We believe that we should follow God’s rule or God’s government because the government of man cannot save us. At the moment, Satan is the one who rules the world. If we were to take part in the politics of the world, we’d be siding with the devil ruling the world.

Would you vote if given a chance?

Personally, I won’t vote. I feel that every government is the same. I believe that we live at the end of days. Hence, it is only expected that things will get worse from here, especially for Nigeria. I am not saying that no man can’t make the lives of Nigerians easier, but I also believe that every man is for himself here. If a Nigerian feels like a candidate would make his or her life easier, I support that. But personally, I’m not a big fan of voting for the above reasons. 

Do you have views independent of your church when it comes to voting?

Even though I left the church two years ago (for undisclosed reasons) and I’m now a Pentecostal, I can say to a large extent that I agree with what the Jehovah’s Witnesses say about the government. I see sense in not voting for candidates in any way, and I do not even plan to vote for anyone come 2023. Our final destination is heaven, and we need to focus on that instead of earthly politics.

We write the news and track the 2023 elections for citizens by citizens in our weekly newsletter, Game of Votes. Make the subscription of a lifetime here.

The subject of today’s The Nigerian Voter is Motunrayo*, a customer service executive in her late twenties, residing in Lagos, Nigeria. She told us about her bad experience collecting her Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC) at the Eti-Osa local government ward and her expectations for the 2023 elections.

Is this your first time registering for your PVC?

No, it isn’t. I’ve had my PVC since I first registered in 2014. I know I had my voter’s card before the 2015 and 2019 elections.

Did you vote in the 2015 and 2019 elections?

I couldn’t vote in 2015 because I wasn’t in Uyo in Cross River state, where I first registered. However, I was back in Uyo in 2019, so I voted then. 

Who did you vote for in 2019, and why?

I voted for Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Peter Obi as vice president. 

I voted for him then because I liked that Obi as his running mate. With him on the ballot, they seemed like the “lesser evil” out of all the candidates for me. Buhari was contesting for a second term, and comparing his military and democratic tenure combined, he didn’t make a good option for me as a president then. 

However, I had heard many things about Peter Obi and his experience with the economy and his tenure as Anambra State governor, and thus, I had hope in him to change the country.

With the PVC you did in 2022, was it a transfer or fresh registration?

I transferred online because I remember moving from Akwa-Ibom to Lagos state. I had to change the location. 

Can you remember your first PVC registration? How did it go?

I remember seeing a huge number of people at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) office. I spent nearly two days collecting my PVC. The first day, I left out of frustration because they were not attending to people fast enough. The second time I ensured I stayed until evening to collect my card. 

I think the crowd was much because Akwa Ibom is a PDP state, and it is always more than enough sensitisation for people to vote. However, I only registered for my PVC because my dad literally chased me out of the house to do it, not because of any sensitisation. The experience wasn’t any different from now. 

Can you remember this 2015 PVC collection experience in detail?

I remember that at some point, they locked the gate because the crowd was so much. People that had connections to the INEC officials bribed their way through the gate. You could see a man and his entire family pass you by from behind and jump the queue, after waiting for hours. I remember coming as early as 6 am on the first day and still not being attended to at 1 pm. 

I couldn’t even get angry because there were others that had been there for 3 days. There was a lot of harassment from officials, as they would try to beat you if you came too close to the day. 

Funny enough, the INEC official that attended to me the next day was a really nice person. We even exchanged contacts and she assured me that she’d call when ready. 

But aside from her, others were just rude and were requesting tips. I wouldn’t have given them, even if I had the money. 

Did you have to do anything PVC related in 2019? 

No, I didn’t have to. I just followed my friends to do theirs, and the experience for them wasn’t any different. In fact, one of my friends was so tired that she said she’d go home. But thankfully, she finally got to do her PVC registration in 2022.

How would you describe your experience with PVC transfer and collection in 2022?

For the transfer of location, the process was easier because it was online. 

However, the collection was way more stressful because it was physical. I couldn’t believe that one still had to go through the same process in 2014 — queueing up for long hours and being harassed by security men. I was hoping the PVC collection would be easier for me, but it wasn’t. It turned out to be absolute hell. 

At first, I thought all would be well because I was tracking the crowd volume in my LGA ward from home through real-time tweets on Twitter. A man then announced that his LGA (Eti-Osa) didn’t have any crowd, and that spurred me on to go and get my PVC almost immediately. 

But to my surprise, there was a large crowd outside. We were then asked to write our names and polling unit codes on a sheet of paper and submit it. After writing, I couldn’t even find an official to submit to. They had this habit of going inside and staying in their offices for long hours before coming out. I don’t have an idea of what they were doing but when they eventually came out, it’d only be with 5-6 cards. People were angry and astonished at the slow rate at which the cards were shared. 

You’d expect that Eti-Osa, as a popular local government area, would be more efficient, but I only spotted 6 INEC officials that day in an entire local government—

Wait, just 6?!

Yes, only six people in an entire local government. I know I saw only 3 of them with official INEC cards, while the rest were probably volunteers or ad-hoc staff.

That’s crazy. What else happened? 

I know many people had left by late afternoon because of frustration with the slow rate of distribution of cards. But what was even more frustrating was the fact that they always seemed to call people that had already gone. Like, move on to the next batch already. 

At 2:30 pm, they announced that it was time for them to close, and everyone was pissed. I know a guy that has been there almost 9 times and his friend (who was also present) confirmed it. I couldn’t finish that day but I was able to collect mine at 10 am the next day with the help of an official. 

For some reason, there were quite a number of people whose details were omitted and were directed under a tree where the officials would attend to them. Up until the time I left, those officials never came out. I don’t know if they ever did. There was a lady that broke down and cried just because her details were omitted. There and then, I knew that Nigerians were really ready to vote this time. 

I can also remember the time they locked the gate on the first day after a long period of time. I remember people shouting and yelling, “Give us our cards.” There was a particular security official wearing a Tinubu-Shettima cap on his head (I believe he’s an All-Progressives Congress (APC) supporter). He stayed on the inside and was forcing people out of the gates and wasn’t very courteous. 

When people started to complain, he went inside, brought out some wires, and started beating people with them, from the inside. The officials on his side of the gate were trying to restrain him and managed to control him after some time. I was amazed that he had the guts to do such a thing in an INEC office. 

And he wasn’t the only one. With the amount of people wearing Tinubu merchandise, I had to start asking neighbors if I was truly in an INEC or APC office.

The Eti-Osa local government is highly disorganized and they need to do better. I hope people can still collect their cards because there were so many that were yet to be collected. 

So sorry you had to witness that. Would you say anything has changed about Nigeria’s electoral system from 2019 until now?

I’d say the only significant one is the Bi-Modal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS). I hope the Nigerian politicians will let this work. If BVAS is allowed, there would be a decrease in electoral violence like ballot box snatching and all. There’d be more chances of a free and fair election, like what happened in Osun State. 

I’d also say Peter Obi’s candidacy has changed the political atmosphere this season. Everyone is trying to act like an intellectual and showcase their plans. 

What would you say is your least favourite part of the electoral process? 

I hate the fact that they’ve to count the votes manually. I feel technology has come a long way for Nigeria to still use manual processes in vote collation or PVC registration. It should be very simple because most adults have their Bank Verification Numbers (BVNs) and National Identification Numbers (NIN) which they can use to vote. I’d appreciate it if we could move to online voting in the coming years and make voting more seamless with BVN and NIN. 

Who do you want to vote for in 2023 and why? 

I am voting for Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) because he just seems like the only candidate without a lot of controversies. One of his rivals said he built a particular state. How can one person do that, please? It was the capital city of Nigeria for such a long time before it was changed, so how did you build it? There are so many issues going on with the APC candidate.

We also need to look at health as a factor for these candidates. Buhari has travelled out of the country so many times, he should be named the “Ajala of Africa”. We don’t need a repeat of that again. Healthwise, Tinubu is not sound enough. His health has deteriorated so he can’t make sensible statements. How would he represent us properly in global events? I feel he is an old man who needs to enjoy his old age and stop running for president. 

For Atiku, I only voted for Atiku because Obi was on the ticket. But the fact that he has now joined forces with Ifeanyi Okowa is horrible. That’s another disaster waiting to happen. Okowa is one of the worst governors Nigeria has ever had. With the amount of money Delta State gets monthly, it is supposed to be a destination spot for tourism. But it has now become nothing but an eyesore to look at. If you can’t manage a state properly, how would you be trusted to manage a nation?

With Atiku, he claims to be a unifier. This unifier meanwhile did a lot of fraudulent activities in Customs and illegally sold a lot of companies. And this was a Vice-President then, but how can we trust you with such a past? He definitely doesn’t get my vote for me. 

With Obi, I love the fact that he is passionate about the issues affecting Nigerians. I love his clean track record as Governor of Anambra state, with no bribery or embezzlement of funds whatsoever. Obi made sure he did a lot of work on the rural roads in Anambra and he rehabilitated and currently visits the hospitals for medical checkups. Obi represents the common man, and that’s why I am rooting for him. 

Do you know any candidates for the governorship or local government elections?

I’d say Bankole Wellington for House of Representatives for the PDP and Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour for Lagos State governor in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Wait, no one from Labour Party?

Yes, to be honest. I’ve searched up on governorship, National Assembly and local government candidates from the party, and I don’t think they’ve so much of a strong chance to win this election. They don’t have much political work on their portfolio.

What are the top three issues you’d love Obi to fix if he is president?

Security is definitely foremost. I find it hard to travel because the roads are dangerous and flight tickets are expensive. This hurts because I’m someone that really loves to travel. 

The second is the high rate of unemployment. I graduated in 2015, and I had to stay a year without a job since it was hard to get a job in government parastatals. There should be more opportunities for job creation, and I’d like Obi to fix that. 

The third is the economy, especially with inflation. I’m so happy I’m a single woman without a family because only God knows how much I’d be paying for foodstuff then. 

Have you mobilised people to vote for the 2023 elections?

Yes, in my own small way. I called my cousins, who were at least 18 years old to vote and register for PVCs. I make noise about it all the time on social media. Even in my estate, I’ve earned the nickname of “Peter Obi” because there’s no conversation I’d be part of that I wouldn’t chip him in.  I always love to showcase my interest in politics and the 2023 elections wherever I go.

This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Stephanie*, a fashion designer in her late twenties who has served as an INEC official in the 2015 and 2019 elections. She shared her experiences on the job and what next year’s elections for her would be like.

Why did you decide to become an election official? 

The money — I didn’t do it for patriotism or anything of the sort. For both elections, I remember I was paid around ₦40,000 for the job, which is some nice spare change to have.

How does one become an election official?

There are people who work for INEC full-time, but for elections you can be trained to become an adhoc staff, which is temporary.

What’s the process like?

You have to register online and follow the procedures like providing your details including your name and phone number. They’d then send a text to let you know the dates for training which normally happens for a couple of days.

Wow, sounds cool. So what were your responsibilities?

I was in charge of voter accreditation for both elections. In the morning, people would come with their Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC) to authenticate their identity as valid voters. There’s a register of voters in each polling unit, and the smart card reader would detect if your name is in the register of that polling unit. The accreditation process usually stops around noon, just before voting starts.

Are there other adhoc positions?

I know we’re four workers per polling unit — there are people in charge of ballot boxes and thumbprinting. NYSC corps members are also used because they can easily retrieve their details. It’s been a while so I’ve forgotten some of the other roles.

Any memorable experiences from working as an election official?

I can’t say I’ve had experiences that stood out for me, but I remember the smart card reader was always faulty and there was hardly ever any power supply or good data connection for it. I also know there were always representatives from APC, PDP and other parties who make election workers feel comfortable with food and drinks.

Can you elaborate on that?

Not really. Their job was to make sure elections and ballot counting are fair. As a rule of the thumb, election officials count their ballots in everyone’s presence for transparency. I believe the party agents might have had ulterior motives like currying our favour towards their side, but I’m not a mind reader.

Did you have any bad experiences?

I can’t say I have, because all I needed to do was voter accreditation, and that’s usually in the mornings. I’d mention, though, that the places election officials sleep in are usually unguarded schools. You’d usually also have to sleep with one eye open, as you are sleeping with strangers and you need to safeguard your property. Fortunately for me, I’ve not suffered any bodily harm or loss of property. It’s mostly just discomfort from mosquitoes and sleeping on a chair or table.

You certainly have a choice to come from home, but it’s usually not advisable because of the restricted movement during elections.

Are you going to be an INEC official again in 2023? 

I definitely won’t be, and that’s because I’m scared there’s going to be a lot of blood on the streets with the 2023 elections. Plus, I really just want to vote and do my part as a citizen this year.

Why are you scared?

I’ve seen a candidate who feels entitled to the presidential seat and would do everything possible to get there.

Do you have anyone you’d like to vote for in 2023?

For governorship and local government, I must confess I don’t know who to vote for yet. For the presidential election, it’s most likely Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP).

Why Obi for president?

I’m just tired of power belonging only to the APC and PDP in this country. They’ve both not taken the country to the greener pastures they’ve frequently promised and the presence of a third force is quite unique. I’m willing to try them and see how it goes. I also believe we can vote Obi out if he doesn’t perform anyway because he doesn’t seem to be power drunk. Let’s make the APC and PDP know we can put anyone in charge, not them. That’s the purpose of a democracy.

What problems do you want Nigeria’s next president to solve? 

I would say insecurity. People have been dying from the attacks by Boko Haram and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). I’d like to travel to my nativeland and feel safe.

Poverty is another thing. The inflation has gone so crazy with the prices of food going up daily. I’m so lucky I don’t have kids because the bills I currently shoulder would have tripled. Everything is not okay in general.

Would you recommend that people should be election officials? 

No, because I feel it may be risky. With agberos roaming around and causing mischief, it’s not the safest of jobs at all.

Are you encouraging people to vote this year?

Whenever I see anyone complain of the price hikes in transportation and food, I always remind them it was the incompetence of our present leaders that caused the negative change in things. Therefore, they should take their PVC and make a conscious decision to elect the right people into power in 2023.

This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Ezechukwu*, a retiree in his early sixties who has voted seven times from 1993 to 2019 and has been utterly disappointed by all the candidates he ever voted for. 

Have you ever voted?

Seven times, in fact. I voted in 1993 — the M.K.O. Abiola election — 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2019.

Wow. What was your first experience like?

I voted for Abiola in 1993 because he seemed to be very prepared. That man travelled around regions helping people and assisting communities. He was also able to connect with Nigerians through his love of football — I believe he was the head of the Nigerian Olympics committee at the time. He also awarded scholarships to university students. I believe these were part of the things that made him popular. 

It’s not a surprise he won that election, he even won his opponent Bashir Tofa’s local government area in Kano. There was no internet facility for that election, it was tube wires that very few people had. Even though Abiola and his running mate were Muslims, people loved them. 

Unfortunately, General Ibrahim Babangida  — the Head of State at the time — annulled the election. That was even the first time I ever heard the word “annulled.” I can remember the nationwide protests that happened in my area and all over Nigeria because the hopes of many were dashed. Honestly, that’s the only free and fair election I ever had. 

Did things change in 1999?

There was a clamour for democratic rule at that time. I voted for Olusegun Obasanjo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) because I believed he’d be able to lead Nigeria right due to his belief in the democratic system and past military experience. I also believed in democracy so much because that’s what books and public speakers taught us to believe. But then again, I was disappointed. The level of corruption during Obasanjo’s time was too much.

But I voted for him again in 2003. I wanted to give him a second chance, but I think the man just made up his mind to be worse than his military counterparts in civilian rule. 

Did you get a fresh start in 2007?

I voted for Yar’Adua because he seemed to be a better civilian president, but sadly didn’t live long enough. He implemented some things I liked such as the Niger Delta peace treaty. It’s such a shame he died.

I felt Jonathan would carry on the good work of Yar’Adua and voted for him in 2011. I can remember standing in the sun just to vote and yet, I was disappointed when he came into power with more corruption. All these politicians are just devils. 

I voted for Buhari in the 2015 elections. It was a time of high insecurity and I was scared to go out to vote at first because I was afraid of getting shot. Looking back now, I wish I didn’t vote because I now realise there was a lot of deceit and falsehood in that election. So many beautiful promises, especially of the dollar to a naira exchange rate, never got fulfilled.

Did that change anything for 2019?

I still voted for the Buhari government thinking things could improve. In fact, the rain beat my wife and I just because we wanted to exercise our right to vote. But I’m not seeing any improvements still. The poor state of security and infrastructure hasn’t changed. I remember traveling from Lagos to Makurdi in my younger days but that kind of trip is a death wish now. 

I hate the way elections are intriguing, with songs and different stories and rivalries. But once you vote, that person will be sure to disappoint. And this is what’ll still happen with those three frontrunners for 2023 election. Any of them that gets into power will surely disappoint.

How are you so sure about that?

I’ve voted in seven elections in my lifetime, and with the exception of Yar’Adua, all of them disappointed. They all said that Nigeria would be better but it still isn’t. I’m definitely not voting for any of the candidates come 2023 because I don’t want to be disappointed again.

Which election is your favourite?

It’s definitely the 1993 election, and this was because of the Option A4 form. I believe if we continued to use this, it would have brought about a very great system of governance. 

What’s the Option A4 form?

Before you campaign as a presidential candidate, the Option A4 form would be passed round your ward for indigenes to vote for you, then your local government area, then your state and even your political party before you finally kickstart national campaigns. But all these levels must vote for you or approve of you running for president using the Option A4 form before you can proceed to the next stage. That system makes sure whoever is campaigning is capable of the job and has a good track record. But now, any godfather can just step in and put his preferred candidate on the ballot.

What’s your least favourite thing about the electoral process?

Vote-buying. I hate the way politicians can buy off a whole village to win an election. It’s largely due to the high level of poverty. I also hate the use of thugs to harass you into voting. I really hate it.

What would you like the next government to change about Nigeria? 

First of all, I’d like for the government to be objective. For instance, I know Buhari doesn’t interfere with elections — PDP wouldn’t have won in Osun State. The next president should also be that way. Let the campaigns run their course. 

I’d also like the naira to dollar exchange rate to change, and I want to feel safe travelling from one state to another without issues. The next government should try and be sincere about the real state of insecurity in Nigeria. 

If the next government can put aside its self-interest, the country will be a better place.