So far—DSS detainment of Emefiele aside—everything seems textbook. Until you decide to appoint someone to probe everything the CBN has done. The appointee is a man with a controversial history—a man whose name is Jim Osayande Obazee.

Who is Jim Obazee?

Obazee was born on March 28, 1965. He’s from Edo state. He is an accounting graduate from the University of Benin and holds a master’s degree in the same course from the University of Lagos. Obazee is also a member of the Nigeria Institute of Management and the American Accounting Association. He holds a certificate in strategic financial analysis for business evaluation from Harvard University.

Obazee was the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Financial Reporting Council of Nigeria (FRC) between 2010 and 2017. The FRC was formerly the Nigerian Accounting Standards Board (NASB). It sets the accounting standards used in Nigeria. In January 2017, he was sacked by President Buhari. It’s here that things get very interesting.

What controversy has Obazee found himself in?

In 2017, The Cable reported on Obazee, describing him as the “man of controversies.” Going back to 2013, he was accused of sexual harassment by his then-personal assistant. The complainant wrote a letter to the FRC describing how Obazee professed his love for her even though she was married. She claimed he transferred and eventually sacked her when she refused his advances. He defended her sack by claiming the complainant had a “history of poor performance at work.”

Obazee has also sparred with influential people. These include the former CBN governor, Lamido Sanusi, whom he recommended for the sack due to financial recklessness. Based on the recommendation, former President Jonathan sacked Sanusi in 2014.

Obazee also took on the founder of Stanbic IBTC bank, Atedo Peterside. In 2015, the FRC suspended Peterside’s FRC number and those belonging to senior bank officials over financial infractions. The FRC also imposed a ₦‎1 billion fine on the bank.

In 2016, Obazee squared off against Pastor Enoch Adeboye of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG). The faceoff had to do with a directive that demanded heads of not-for-profit organisations step down after twenty years in office. This led Adeboye to step down while naming Joshua Obayemi as head of the RCCG in Nigeria while he remained General Overseer worldwide. Buhari fired Obazee and reconstituted the FRC board in 2017 due to the controversy this issue caused.

What does Tinubu want from Obazee?

According to Sahara Reporters, Obazee received his appointment letter dated July 28. The immediately effective appointment will see Obazee report directly to the president. Part of the letter reads, “You are to investigate the CBN and related entities using a suitably experienced, competent, and capable team and work with relevant security and anti-corruption agencies to deliver on this assignment. I shall expect a weekly briefing on the progress being made.”

What have reactions to his appointment been like?

There have been mixed reactions to his appointment. Some have asked whether a thorough vetting process was conducted before the appointment.

Others say the appointment was the right call.

In any case, the next few weeks will be interesting to watch. The President and Emefiele will—for different reasons—be looking forward to learning what Obazee uncovers.

Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

Our journey begins in Nigeria’s Red Chamber, the Senate.

Akpabio’s gaffe

While Nigeria’s Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, may have reached the apex of his political career, it seems he is still looking to outdo himself by how deep in trouble he can put himself in. We haven’t forgotten his public confession when as the Minister of the Niger Delta, he fingered members of the House of Representatives (HOR) whom he claimed benefitted from some lucrative contracts. It took the intervention of one of them on live TV to beg Akpabio to “off his mic” to stop him from incriminating everyone. 

Akpabio, described as an “uncommon” senator, has promised to run an uncommon Senate. As he’s learning rather quickly, uncommon can become unpopular in a jiffy. In a viral video from a plenary session during the week, Akpabio asked the Senate to vote on a prayer to “let the poor breathe”. The manner of delivery, which appeared to be mocking, didn’t sit well with Nigerians. They lashed out at the uncommon senator.

The office of the Senate President had to issue a press release. It clarified that it was a “harmless statement” based on a motion moved by another senator to halt the electricity tariff hike.

Nigerians aren’t smiling during this period. The last thing they need is a legislature that makes fun of their plight. Let’s hope Akpabio has learned his lesson.

Tinubu’s ministerial list

President Tinubu’s ministerial list finally reached the public and was met with mixed reactions. Early observations indicated that the list had just 28 names. The names were also weighted in favour of career politicians ahead of technocrats. No portfolios were attached to them either, which is unusual. Tinubu’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, said it was intentional. Here’s how he explained it to the press:

“So many of these things have merits and demerits, advantages and disadvantages. I like the idea of attaching portfolios. I do because it makes it necessary for the Senate to know exactly what you’re asking and looking for.

But for now, it’s been thought wise that we stick to the tradition of sending the names and then, while the screening processes are going on, allow Mr. President and his team to look at the portfolios and the characters and see how they fit.

The first step that he has done is that these people can work wherever you put them. Except in specialized fields like attorney general and what have you. But in the main time, he believes most of them can fit in anywhere.”

Constitutional lawyer, Festus Ogun, isn’t having any of that.

The Senate plans to begin screening on Monday. It’ll be curious to observe how that plays out. 

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All hail the Super Falcons

[Osinachi Ohale and Onome Ebi celebrate at the full-time whistle. Photograph: Bradley Kanaris/Getty Images]

By the time you read this, at least two days will have elapsed since the events of that heroic night on July 27 in Brisbane, Australia. Nigeria’s female national team, the Super Falcons, beat Australia with a 3-2 score at the ongoing FIFA Women’s World Cup.

Football unites Nigerians more than anything, and for those 100+ minutes of that engaging contest, Nigerians went through all the motions together. 

The match stats tell an exciting story. 

For the most part, the Australians had control of the ball and dominated early proceedings. Nigeria, which had a solid defense for most of the game, conceded first in the 45th minute. The atmosphere was rapturous, and it looked like we would head into half-time with a loss. But the antifragile Super Falcons had different ideas.

In what was effectively the last kick of the first half after 5 minutes of added time, Uchenna Kanu scored a wonderful goal—a combination of good play and a fortuitous deflection. Cue the reactions from Nigerians halfway across the world.

1-1, halftime.

By the second half, our ladies were amped. In the 65th minute, our star striker, Asisat Oshoala, was introduced to the pitch. You could hear the palpable silence in the stadium, almost as if the Australians could foretell the pain that was to come. 

Osinachi Ohale put us ahead a minute later, despite getting a heavy knock in the process. 

2-1, Nigeria.

Oshoala tormented the Australian backline and got her reward in the 72nd minute after a mixup in the Australian defense allowed her to score a brilliant goal from a wide angle. Taking off her shirt in celebration may have earned her a yellow card, but the iconic celebration will live long in the memory of Nigerians. 

3-1, Nigeria.

[Asisat Oshoala of Nigeria celebrates after scoring her team’s third goal. (Photo by Justin Setterfield/Getty Images)]

Her goal made her the first African woman to score at three World Cups. She previously scored in 2019 and 2015. And while the Australians managed to pull one back deep into stoppage time, Nigeria, led by coach Randy Waldrum, emerged triumphant with three goals and three points.

3:2, Nigeria. FT.

The result leaves us at the top of the table and in a good position to make the next round. A draw in our last game against already-eliminated Ireland would be enough. This is remarkable, given the team’s issues leading up to the showpiece. 

Allegations of misappropriation, delayed payments, and a war of words between Waldrum and the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) led many to fear the worst. But after a resilient showing against Olympic champion Canada, where we earned a point, there was some hope that the girls might be up to something, and they delivered in fine fashion.

Whatever they do going forward, the Super Falcons deserve our utmost respect for acting professionally and bringing joy to the faces of millions of Nigerians. As always, we will be cheering them on and hope they have fun doing what they do best.

Nigeria’s next match is on Monday, July 31, at 11 a.m.

Twenty-eight nominees have made the list, including 21 men and seven women. Who are they?

Ministerial nominees

Abubakar Momoh

A lawmaker from Edo State. He was a former member of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) before defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2019.

Yusuf Maitama Tuggar

Tuggar is a politician and diplomat serving as the Nigerian ambassador to Germany. He hails from Bauchi state.

Ahmad Dangiwa

Architect and former CEO of the Federal Mortgage Bank. He’s from Katsina state.

Hannatu Musawa

Initially appointed by Tinubu as a special adviser on entertainment and culture, Musawa has now been upgraded to minister. She’s a lawyer and comes from Katsina state.

Uche Nnaji

A politician from Enugu state, Nnaji was the APC’s flag-bearer in the 2023 gubernatorial election.

Betta Edu

Edu is an APC national women leader and former commissioner for health in Cross River state.

Doris Anite Uzoka

Uzoka is from Imo State. Before her appointment, she was the state’s commissioner for finance and coordinating economy.

David Umahi

Umahi was the former governor of Ebonyi. He’s a senator in the tenth national assembly.

Ezenwo Nyesom Wike

Wike is a former governor of Rivers state. He was also a leading contender for the PDP’s presidential ticket before losing out and forming the breakaway group of PDP governors known as the G5 that opposed Atiku Abubakar’s ambition. He was instrumental, albeit in controversial circumstances marred by blatant rigging, to the APC winning the presidential election in Rivers state.

Muhammed Badaru Abubakar

Abubakar is the former governor of Jigawa state. He has also chaired presidential committees on fertilizer as well as non-oil revenue.

Nasir El-Rufai

El-Rufai is a former FCT minister and former governor of Kaduna state. He has served in various capacities in previous administrations and was a key ally to former President Buhari and now, Tinubu.

Ekperikpe Ekpo

Ekpo was a former senatorial candidate for the APC in Akwa-Ibom North West district. He would later step down for Akpabio, who emerged as Senate President.

Nkeiruka Onyejeocha

Onyejeocha is a lawmaker in the House of Representatives (HOR). She lost her position as deputy whip to a lawmaker from the Labour Party. She comes from Abia state.

Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo

Tunji-Ojo hails from Ondo state. He’s a former business and management executive who forayed into politics by becoming elected to the HOR in 2019.

Stella Okotete

Okotete was, before her appointment, an Executive Director (Business Development) at the Nigeria Export-Import (NEXIM) Bank. A position she was appointed to by President Buhari. She has also served as a women’s national leader in the APC. Okotete comes from Delta state.

Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye

Kennedy-Ohanenye is a barrister from Anambra state. She famously ran for the presidential ticket under the APC before dropping out.

Bello Muhammad Goronyo

Goronyo is from Sokoto state. He was formerly of the PDP before he defected in 2019. Goronyo was a former commissioner of information and the Zonal Secretary North West of the APC.

Dele Alake

Alake, a long-time buddy of Tinubu, is the Special Adviser to the President, Special Duties, Communications, and Strategy. His position has now been upgraded to a ministerial portfolio.

Lateef Fagbemi

Fagbemi comes from Ijagbo, Kwara State. He is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). 

Mohammad Idris

Idris hails from Niger state. He was a former commissioner for information and strategy.

Olawale Edun

Edun is a banker with a corporate finance, economics, and international finance background. He was a former commissioner of finance in Lagos under Tinubu as governor. Prior to his nomination, he was a special adviser to the president.

Waheed Adebayo Adelabu

Adebayo is a former deputy governor of the CBN and a former governorship candidate of APC from Oyo State.

Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim

Sulaiman-Ibrahim was born in Jos but was raised in Abuja. She’s a politician and businesswoman who has served as Federal Commissioner of the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons under President Buhari.

Muhammad Ali Pate

Pate is a politician, physician, and professor of public health. Born in Bauchi state, he was a former minister of state for health. In February 2023, Pate was appointed Chief Executive Officer of GAVI, the Vaccine Alliance. He has, however, resigned his position to resume public office.

Joseph Utsev

Utsev has a background in engineering and hails from Benue state.

Abubakar Kyari

Kyari was a senator representing Borno North Senatorial District of Borno State from 2015 until his resignation in April 2022. He is a member and the acting national chairman of the APC.

John Enoh

Enoh is a former senator who hails from Cross River state.

Sani Abubakar Danladi

Danladi is a former acting governor and former senator whose tenure was shortlived after a Supreme Court ruling unseated him. He’s from Taraba state. 

Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

Let’s look at three tactics promoting the idea that Nigerian politics is a dirty game.

Vote buying

Vote buying is one prominent example. It often involves an exchange in which voters sell their votes to the highest bidder. In Nigeria, you may observe this practice in internal democracies, that is, within parties when delegates get to vote on who their party flag-bearer should be. It’s also a feature in general elections.

In a paper by the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC), it notes: “In accepting or rejecting offers, or in changing or not changing their electoral behaviour, recipients may be acting, among other things, out of fear, duty, indignity, gratitude, righteousness, or calculated self-interest.” 

However, vote buying isn’t necessarily always economical. It could also be a combination of economic and social rituals. In places where the practice has become deep-rooted, politicians come to expect it as a “duty.” For some Nigerian voters, it is their way of laying claim to the “national cake.”

Addressing vote buying means understanding the various institutional and socio-economic contexts that influence it, such as tradition and poverty. We should also account for the sentimental meanings people attach to these gestures before we can eradicate them.

Dog-whistling

The term is named after the dog whistle, which is audible to dogs but not humans. In politics, dog-whistling describes a communication strategy politicians use to send out a coded message. On the surface, it may appear harmless, but to the subgroup of people the message is targeted at, it carries a serious tone that may be harmful.

In America, Donald Trump’s campaign mantra “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) has been described as dog-whistling that appeals to people of white background. In Nigeria, leading up to the election, the phrase “Yoruba Ronu” (Yorubas, Think!) was widely interpreted as dog-whistling. 

The term was the title of a famous play by Hebert Ogunde, which attacked the then-premier of the Western Region, Ladoke Akintola. 

[Hebert Ogunde / The Guardian]

The phrase, however, took on a sinister meaning during the 2023 elections when APC Youth Leader, Dayo Israel, posted it after the 2023 presidential election. It would become a rallying cry in the subsequent gubernatorial election in Lagos that witnessed targeted harassment and violence against residents suspected to be Igbo. 

Dog-whistling plays on fears, biases, or preconceptions of people without explicitly stating them. And as the Lagos election showed, it can lead to violence. As such, this tactic should be discouraged.

Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

Bigotry

A bigot is one who is intolerant of beliefs, lifestyles or identities that differ from theirs. Anyone who engages in this is practising bigotry. Unfortunately, bigotry is a mainstay in Nigerian politics and takes different forms. The most prominent of which is tribalism.

Ordinarily, the term tribalism has positive connotations. The Cambridge Dictionary defines it as “the state of existing as a tribe, or a very strong feeling of loyalty to your tribe.” However, the sense in which tribalism can be described as bigotry is best captured by Walter Schwarz in his 1966 article, “Tribalism and Politics in Nigeria.”

Schwarz was a former Nigeria correspondent for The Observer and The Economist before the military regime expelled him. Below is how he describes tribalism in Nigeria:

Tribal and ethnic bigotry is commonplace in Nigerian politics, particularly in the heat of elections. The idea that one ethnic group is superior to another, pushing stereotypes and placing ethnicity above merit, are problems that have persisted for decades.

Bigotry manifests itself in hate speech, harassment, marginalisation and the violation of human rights. It breeds distrust and makes governance difficult. So when people say politics is a dirty game, they’re likely referencing the abovementioned tactics.

Can Nigerian politics be clean?

Absolutely yes. In an earlier piece, we explained that politics shouldn’t be a do-or-die thing. We also noted that politicians should prioritise the national interest over party and selfish interests. It is possible to win elections without using any of these tactics. Yes, a difference in opinion or ideology is unavoidable, but we can disagree to agree so long we stay on the right side of the law. We should promote tolerance over bigotry, unity over dog-whistling, and a good track record over vote buying.

Ultimately, the journey to making Nigerian politics clean again can only happen with deep retrospection and a commitment by all political actors towards ensuring that dirty politics no longer has a foothold in Nigeria.

The Cable on July 24 exclusively reported that Malami, the former Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), will be interrogated over at least five suspicious transactions during his time in office. While no charges have been brought yet against him, he will undoubtedly be apprehensive, going by the experiences of former EFCC chair Abdulrasheed Bawa and former CBN governor Godwin Emefiele, who are both in custody and were key figures in the last administration.

So why is Malami staring down a barrel of hot soup? Here’s what you need to know.

[Abubakar Malami / The Guardian]

What are the five transactions Malami is facing investigation for?

Malami served as both the AGF and Minister of Justice under President Buhari. His appointment in 2015 made him the youngest minister in Buhari’s cabinet. In his position, the 56-year-old Malami was the point of call for arbitrage and settling disputes and transactions involving the federal government.

According to The Cable, here are the five transactions Malami is facing investigation for:

Ajaokuta settlement

The name Ajaokuta is synonymous with “wastage” and white elephant ventures. The moribund steel project in Kogi state has been the subject of several controversies. 

The gist is quite long, but the abridged version of it goes something like this:

In September 2022, the FG resolved a long-standing contractual dispute with Global Steel over the Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited (ASCL) and National Iron Ore Mining Company (NIOMCO) Itakpe concessions. Instead of paying an original claim of $5.258 billion, Nigeria secured a 91% reduction and agreed to pay $496 million following threats of the dispute being taken up at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

The dispute began in 2008 when Global Steel’s concessions were revoked for alleged asset stripping and tax evasion. In 2016 a modified concession agreement was executed, allowing Global Steel to retain Itakpe. The recent settlement rescued Nigeria’s steel, iron ore, and rail industries, but other allegations remain unresolved. Malami’s role in the ordeal and how he handled some settlements is what is being investigated.

Mysterious sales of recovered assets

The EFCC questioned Ladidi Mohammed, the head of the asset recovery and management unit in the Ministry of Justice, about fraud allegations in August 2022. They didn’t charge her, however. She claimed to have acted under instructions from Malami in selling recovered assets worth billions. Malami reportedly granted a confidential multibillion-naira asset recovery contract to Gerry Ikputu & Partners and their legal agent, M. E. Sheriff & Co., offering them three per cent of the value of each successful recovery. The AGF and the justice ministry were criticised for engaging private firms instead of using competent anti-graft agencies like the EFCC and ICPC for asset recovery.

[Ladidi Mohammed / The Cable]

Paris Club refunds

During Malami’s tenure, consultants who claimed they assisted states in calculating their share of the Paris Club refunds sued the FG. They demanded payment for their services.

Malami opted for an out-of-court settlement. He agreed that the states would pay $418 million to the consultants, deducted from their federation allocations over time. 

This led to a public disagreement between Malami and the governors. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) accused the consultants of using Malami to obtain the states’ funds. The NGF contested the deduction, and a federal high court in Abuja restrained the consultants from transacting with the promissory notes. The case, which involves Senator Ned Nwoko, is ongoing in court.

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Mambila deal

In early 2020, Malami committed the federal government to pay Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited (SPTCL) $200 million as a “final settlement” for the Mambilla power project dispute in Taraba state. 

This settlement was to avoid an arbitration claim by Sunrise in France over an alleged breach of contract. The project, delayed since the 1970s, aims to be the country’s largest power plant with a capacity of 3,050 megawatts. Previously, Sunrise Power had accused the government of sidelining them from the project against the advice of Malami. 

However, in a response dated April 20, Buhari replied to a memo by Malami regarding the settlement, saying, “FG does not have USD 200 million to pay SPTCL”. The case is still in arbitration.

Abacha loot

No story revolving around graft in Nigeria is complete without mentioning the former head of state, Sani Abacha. 

In 1999, the Nigerian government hired Swiss lawyer Enrico Monfrini to recover looted funds traced to Abacha. After seven years of work, Monfrini successfully recovered $321 million from Luxembourg banks, which the Swiss government then held.

Instead of directly requesting the transfer of the funds to Nigeria, Abubakar Malami engaged two lawyers, Oladipo Okpeseyi and Temitope Adebayo. They wrote a letter to the Swiss authorities requesting the return of the funds. These lawyers were paid $17 million in “professional fees.” This figure was more than what the Swiss lawyer received for tracing and recovering the funds. 

Okpeseyi was associated with the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). President Buhari founded the party, and Malami was the party’s legal adviser.

The school said it consulted with stakeholders, including students and their guardians, before making this decision. Interestingly, UNILAG describes itself as “the school of first choice and the nation’s pride.” However, with the increment set to happen at the beginning of the 2023/2024 academic session, students may have to rethink whether they’d still stick with UNILAG as their first choice.

Here’s what fees look like now for new undergraduate students:

And here’s what fees look like for returning undergraduate students:

For comparison, previous fees for new undergraduate students were around ₦55,000, while returning students paid ₦15,000. While tuition remains free, the other mandatory expenses have gone up considerably. Understandably, the news has sparked strong reactions online.

What are the arguments in favour?

One major issue that has plagued public tertiary institutions is the lack of funding. You can draw a straight line between every strike that has occurred since the beginning of time and challenges relating to poor remuneration for staff and underfunding, leading to a paucity of research and development. 

ASUU has argued for university autonomy, allowing institutions to raise funds for themselves rather than being overly dependent on government subventions. And although ASUU didn’t sanction this increase, it’s hard to see them argue against it. Some say Nigerian tertiary education is too subsidised and don’t consider the new fees expensive.

According to Deborah Tolu-Kolawole, who covers Nigerian tertiary education extensively, the hike in fees was inevitable. In a series of tweets, she explained that schools were struggling to stay afloat, with the federal government unwilling to release more funds.

She notes that for now, some subsidy is still in place, as evidenced by the zero cost of tuition. She warned that there will be more increments once full autonomy is granted to universities. This is where the Student Loan Act will come into play.

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What are the arguments against it?

In economics, a public good is a commodity or service made available to all members of society. Typically, these services are administered by governments and paid for collectively through taxation.

A 2018 paper by the UNESCO Chair on Human Rights and Ethics of International Cooperation, Rita Locatelli, argues that education should be a public good in light of “current trends in the privatisation and marketisation of education.” 

UNESCO recommends 15-20% of public expenditure on education. Nigeria has never met that threshold. 

One in every five of the world’s out-of-school children is in Nigeria. Among those who manage to brave all odds and make it to university, they will now have to contend with this new hurdle of a fee hike. If other public universities follow UNILAG’s example, this will exclude even more students from tertiary education that they can’t afford.

So while we recognise that universities need funding and that education is subsidised in Nigeria, we also recognise that it is for good reason. The timing of this hike in light of economic circumstances is tough to justify, at least on moral grounds. 

As it stands in Nigeria today, the return on investment in education is negative. This is apparent in the fact that many university graduates are unemployed. Hiking fees perpetuate the common Nigerian saying, “School na scam.” If fewer students get access to subsidised education, the outcome for Nigeria could be unpalatable.

In related news in education, the FG recently increased fees in federal government colleges, aka Unity Schools, by 122%. All of these combined will cause human capital development to slide even further. Nigeria’s prospects of leaving the ghetto might become bleak. 

For now, UNILAG students are facing the brunt of it. Other universities are watching, and they will join in sooner or later. At some point, the federal government will have to lift its head out of the sand and intervene, or we could be staring at a full-blown state of emergency in Nigeria’s education sector.

Online, there have been mixed reactions to this news. Some have hailed the move for removing barriers to employment, while others say it’s a smokescreen that shies away from addressing the root causes of unemployment.

Background

At the plenary on Wednesday, the Senate adopted a motion. It had the title “Age Requirement Pre-condition for Employment in Nigeria, Urgent Need for Intervention.” Abba Moro, a PDP senator from Benue South, sponsored this motion.

Moro argued that age limits were discriminatory and violated Chapter 4, Section 42(2) of the Nigerian Constitution. The section touches on the right to freedom from discrimination.

Moro also cited the International Labour Organisation (ILO), a UN agency whose mandate is to advance social and economic justice. He argued that economic discrimination fell short of the ILO’s standards.

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In Moro’s words, it was pathetic “that a graduate in Nigeria who could not get a job upon graduation and decided to back to school with the hope that a higher qualification, vis-a-vis a second or Masters Degree, could give him a better employment opportunity is thrown into a career paradox when upon completion of his Master’s Degree he comes out to find that he is now above the age of employment and therefore not employable by the sole reason of his age.”

He added, “It is ironical that a graduate in this country can serve in the National Youth Service Corps programme at age 30 but cannot be gainfully employed after that on the fact that he/ she is now above 30 years, a situation that is a flagrant breach of his fundamental rights.”

Moro noted that this discrimination created a breeding ground for age fraud within the Nigerian Civil Service and beyond.

What else should you know?

The Senate is asking the Federal Ministry of Labour, Employment, and Productivity, and other related agencies to dissuade private employers from turning away people based on age. It also wants the ministry to develop policies that grant equal access and treatment in the workplace.

All of this remains tentative. But if it passes into law, older Nigerians of employable age might heave a sigh—even if temporary—of relief.

It’s all anyone is talking about. Fuel is currently the number one trending keyword on Twitter.

This isn’t pretty news for many Nigerians who looked forward to renewed hope when President Tinubu was sworn into office. 

A tale of two eras

At his inauguration, Tinubu went off-script and announced the removal of the fuel subsidy. This announcement, in more ways than one, signalled the start of a new era. For context, the average retail price of fuel in April was ₦254 per litre.

At the time of the announcement, Tinubu was greeted with applause by some Nigerians. Exactly 50 days later, not many people are applauding him, as painful realities have set in.

Granted, the removal of the subsidy was a foregone conclusion. All the leading presidential candidates promised that it would be gone. A decades-long experiment that amounted to trillions of naira finally led Nigerians to see that it was no longer sustainable. However, there have been continued debates on whether Tinubu’s approach was the best.

Tinubu’s early moves in office suggested he was undertaking neoliberal economic reforms, which he was implementing all at once. These include the unification of the exchange rate and the widening of the tax base. While he was lauded in several quarters for the boldness and swiftness with which he undertook them, there were fears that all these measures implemented in one go could exert pressure on the economy.

KPMG, in its economic snapshot for June, noted: “We are of the opinion that while these reforms and adjustments are bold and indeed necessary to maintain long-term macroeconomic stability, the timing could be adjusted to allow households and businesses to adjust. 

“However, the government appears to have decided on a strategy to push through all its difficult and needed reforms all at once and as fast as possible while it is still easier to do… This approach has, however, had mixed success across countries.”

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Reduction in fuel consumption, increase in fuel price

On Monday, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) announced that fuel consumption has declined since the removal of the subsidy. Not surprising since people are now rationing fuel due to the increase in cost. But by just how much has consumption dropped?

Here’s what Ahmed Farouk, the Chief Executive of NMDPRA, had to say about that:

“In January, consumption was 62 million litres per day. In February, 62 million litres per day. March was 71.4 million litres per day. In April, it was 67.7 million litres per day. May had 66.6 million litres per day. By June, it was 49.5 million litres per day. In July, it’s 46.3 million litres per day.”

Farouk noted that the new figure of 46.3 million litres per day represented a 35% reduction compared to the 65 million litres per day before the subsidy removal. 

A drastic reduction in the demand for fuel should ordinarily result in a fall in the price of fuel. On the contrary, fuel price is going up. 

One possible explanation for this is the exchange rate. Nigeria imports its refined crude using dollars, and with the naira falling relative to the dollar, it will reflect in the prices. We can only hope the price will reduce when Dangote’s refinery begins operations, which is still projected for year’s end.

Meanwhile, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) raising petrol prices in Abuja from ₦537 to ₦617 per litre will signal other independent marketers nationwide to follow suit. The price of petrol varies across states. Prices are expected to be higher up north than down south due to transport and logistics costs.

Renewed hope vs renewed worries

In an earlier report about Tinubu’s economic growth plan, we noted that the euphoria Tinubu earned in his early days in office would eventually run out. This was echoed by political commentator Feyi Fawehinmi when he said, “Tinubu’s early moves have all been plucking low-hanging fruits. But you still have to credit him for bothering to pluck them… [He] will eventually run out of easy wins; the test starts then.” 

Between the labour unions clamouring for an upward review of the minimum wage, a running court case disputing his right to be president, and millions of Nigerians feeling the economic crunch, Tinubu is in a race against time to deliver the renewed hope that he promised. Whatever ace he may have up his sleeves, now’s the time to play it. 

In case you’ve been living under a rock, Tinubu has been fighting on multiple fronts since he assumed office. Following his declaration as president by the Independent and National Electoral Commission (INEC), his opponents have dragged him and INEC to court over controversies and irregularities surrounding the February 25 presidential election. 

His adversaries in the boxing ring are the PDP’s Atiku Abubakar and the Labour Party’s (LP) Peter Obi. Tinubu had 8,794,726 votes, with Abubakar and Obi getting 6,984,520 votes and 6,101,533 votes, respectively.

They’re contesting that Tinubu shouldn’t have been declared the winner, having failed to meet electoral requirements. In an earlier article, we did an explainer highlighting the suits brought against Tinubu’s presidency. The one which has stirred reaction the most is the 25% criterion in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Only the LP met this threshold. 

Tinubu’s legal team is led by Wole Olanipekun (SAN). The team filed a final written address dated July 14. This was in response to the petitions brought against them by the LP and the PDP. 

What was in Tinubu’s lawyers’ final address?

According to ThisDay, Tinubu’s lawyers argued that nullifying the election results because Tinubu failed to meet 25% in the FCT could “lead to absurdity, chaos, anarchy and alteration of the very intention of the legislature.” 

The address noted: “May we draw the attention of the court to the fact that there is no punctuation (comma) in the entire section 134(2)(b) of the Constitution, particularly immediately after the ‘States’ and the succeeding ‘and’ connecting the Federal Capital Territory with the States. In essence, the reading of the subsection has to be conjunctive and not disjunctive, as the Constitution clearly makes it so. 

Pressed further by this constitutional imperative, the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, is taken ‘as if’ it is the 37th State, under and by virtue of section 299 of the Constitution. 

With much respect, any other interpretation different from this will lead to absurdity, chaos, anarchy and alteration of the very intention of the legislature.”

Tinubu’s team also wants the court to bar Obi from contesting should the election be nullified. According to The Cable, Olanipekun argued that Obi’s claim lacked merit. They say he wasn’t on the LP’s membership register when he contested the presidency. He added:

“Obi is constitutionally barred from participating in any election, in the very unlikely event that the election of 25th February 2023 is voided, as the only candidates constitutionally prescribed to contest any subsequent election shall be Tinubu and the candidate of the PDP, Atiku Abubakar who came second, by scoring the next majority of votes in the highest number of States (19 States), to the 1st petitioner’s 16 States, and also coming second by plurality of votes, having scored 6,984,520, far and above 1st petitioner’s 6,101,533 votes.”

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What have the reactions been like?

The Chief Spokesperson of the Labour Party Presidential Campaign Council, Yunusa Tanko, described the statement as “threatening the whole country”.

Demola Rewaju, a Special Assistant on Digital Media Strategy to Atiku Abubakar, tweeted: “As long as the Constitution swore in Bola Tinubu, he can be removed by the Constitution. It’s as simple as that. The resort to blackmail and threats of anarchy will amount to nothing once a judgement is delivered.”

However, Dada Olusegun, the Special Assistant to the President on Digital Communications, has described the reports as “fake”. He tweeted, “President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s counsel didn’t argue nullifying the election would lead to anarchy. They argued that Abuja is the 37th state for electoral purposes, and any other interpretation would lead to anarchy. But as usual, the fake news machines are desperate to twist it.”

IPC Justice, which investigates corruption in politics and the judiciary, issued a statement to security agencies. It urged them to “resist any directive that undermines the fundamental rights guaranteed under our shared social contract.”

What else should you know?

It’s not clear when a ruling will be made on this matter by the PEPT. Regardless, it’s expected that whatever judgement the tribunal passes will be contested all the way to the Supreme Court. This could be several months away. We will keep you up to date with any updates as the case progresses.